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ON WHOSE SIDE ARE YOU? ETHIOPIA AGAINST THE WORLD

By Tecola W. Hagos


I. Introduction: the Somali crises

No matter when and where it occurs, war at all times is horrible. It becomes even worse when impoverished people with serious political and economic problems, with borrowed weapon fight each other as pawns controlled by puppet-masters from afar. I am speaking about the escalation of armed conflict in Somalia where the Ethiopian military forces are also fighting supporting the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia holed in Baidoa area. I held my tongue from saying anything about the involvement of Ethiopia in Somali political life for some time now, hoping the leaders of governments and opposition political organizations will work out some solution and understanding without the inflammatory diatribe from individuals writing from a safe distance urging such leaders toward all out war. Now, war seems to be on us, the people of that part of Africa often referred to in a derogatory way as the �Horn of Africa,� what is our responsibility as Ethiopians in regard to the unfolding major conflict in that part of the world?

It is important to have some historical perspective as background material in order to understand how things evolved in the last twelve years resulting in a great war between Somalia and Ethiopia and �Eritrea� and Ethiopia. The same historic enemies of Ethiopia, which are the residue of the Ottoman Empire, such as Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Iraq, Syria, and a number of tiny Gulf States no bigger than �oil wells with flags� are all engaged in financing the current Jihadist Somali insurgence movement the Eritrean military waiting in the wings, that is aimed at the very heart of Ethiopia. The Jihadist insurgents, which now control Mogadishu and vicinity, are following a fundamentalist import of religious fanaticism, even foreign to Somali social melee, and have duped themselves with a grandiose name of �Islamic Courts.� In fact, the first act of political program of such organization is declaring Jihad against Ethiopia. To fight to remove Ethiopian support of the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia is one thing, but to jump to a Jihad declaration to do so, is clear indication of the type of hostility that goes far beyond the struggle for political power within a localized conflict. 

Am I paranoid seeing monsters in shadows? Not at all. Which one of you would let your family home burn down to ashes just because the fire was started by an errant son? No question that Meles Zenawi and his mahel sefari collaborators had caused tremendous harm to Ethiopia�s territorial integrity and political and economic life. But that fact does not relieve us from our responsibilities to fight for our Ethiopia no matter who led us into war with our old historic enemies. I do not want to be misunderstood here. I am not a blood-thirsty war monger. I do not want to see a single Somali or Ethiopian killed just to satisfy the personal ambitions of dictatorial leaders. As long as I remember I always loved Somalis, friends I know starting in high school, then college. I never thought of the people of the �Horn� in general as enemies, I always believed in a larger all inclusive state that would accommodate the diverse people of the region including Eritrea as members of a large family sharing in a common destiny. However, such wishful thinking is not of much help when one is being attacked by fanatical individuals who declared their attack on Ethiopia as a Jihad. This attack is imposed on us by our historic enemies and their chingaf collaborators. We must support the current Ethiopian Government and the Ethiopian Forces in this particular conflict in Somalia. I shall visit this theme in more detail in sections below.

Several articles in the foreign press have been published some as crude and stupid as they come. The one article that stands out for its bigotry and crudeness is an article published on 20 December 2006 by the Washington Post, �a plantation� newspaper, which is still cashing in on its ancient laurel earned by exposing the Watergate debacle that drove President Nixon out of office. The writer is a novice called Stephanie McCrummen, from Washington Post Foreign Service, a reporter stationed in Nairobi, who presented in an article titled �Zenawi uses 'war' as ploy to tighten grip,� a one sided picture of the conflict blaming Ethiopia with crude remarks about the poverty of Ethiopia that is not even remotely relevant to the issue at hand. She went to the extent of making fun of the human condition in Ethiopia, which condition is no different than most developing nations including Egypt that is incapable of feeding it own people despite the yearly billions of dollars worth of economic assistance from the United States Government.

McCrummen need not have traveled that far to find poor people in Ethiopia, for Washington DC is Hell on Earth for tens of thousands of homeless people and the Ghetto residents of South East DC where the yearly homicide rate is close to two hundred victims not to mention the rapes and robberies and drug culture that claim tens of thousands of victims�and all these suffering and serious crimes happening right under her nose where the headquarters of the Post is situated. The Washington Post for decades has specialized in bashing Ethiopia with its crude articles and biased reporting on events in Ethiopia where it has been sending inexperienced female reporters who seem to think with their torso more than their brain..

However, an op-ed by Bashir Goth of 22 December 2006 straitened the gross error of Stephanie McCrummen�s assessment of the involvement of Ethiopia by giving us a true picture of the Islamic Courts and their Jihad and fanaticism. �Somalia for Somalis! Let them run their country as they please. Easy words to say but difficult to accept when it means beheading people for not praying five times a day, chopping hands of those who steal to stay alive in a country where mere survival is a lifelong ambition. Difficult to accept when women are shrouding and denied to breathe fresh air or go about their daily business to feed their children. Difficult to accept when the country's musical heritage is expunged as Satan's work, the cinema is banned and that watching of world sports is forbidden, thus depriving the youth of the only source of cultural interaction they have with the outside world.�  Is this the type of world the Washington post wants to defend? The statement by Goth is even more reveling because Goth is a respected scholar and experienced journalist whose homeland is Somaliland. I must point out the fact that in contrast to the amateurish McCrummen, Goth is a professional who knows what he is talking about.

The Islamic Courts are fundamentalists highly influenced by the Wahabbi version of Islam whose extremism was clearly manifested in the barbaric government of Saudi Arabia and the Taliban of Afghanistan. As Goth put it succinctly the Islamic Courts imposed Sharia law on Somalis they controlled in Mogadishu and the surrounding area is absolutely hostile to the very vibrant freedom loving individualistic nature of the Somali people. It is a common mistake in Western press to misinterpret the general disapproval of the lawlessness that existed in Somalia in the areas now brought into order controlled by the Islamic Courts as an approval of the Islamic Courts themselves. There is a fear and disapproval of the religion based impositions of all kinds of restrictions on Somalis controlled by the Islamic Courts. The defeat of these religious zealots and the establishment of a democratic form of government are both to the benefit of all Somalis. 

II. The Survival of Ethiopia

Unlike many civilizations that were immersed into internal turmoil after adopting new religions, Ethiopia remained independent and calm, developing its own identity over a period of almost two thousand years. Ethiopia never allowed any religious fanaticism to dominate its political secular independent structure. Whether it is Catholicism, Protestantism, or any of the Orthodox Churches none held sway over Ethiopia. It always maintained a secular national government. By contrast whether it is Somalia, Sudan, The Arabs of the peninsula, et cetera were all manipulated and often times controlled by the religious leaders of the Sunni, Ishmaelite, Shi�ia, and even Sufi variation of Islam. Ethiopia is a model of toleration of different religions being peacefully practiced side by side even when there is a state religion. None of the enemies of Ethiopia such as Egypt, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Syria and Pakistan ever had any toleration of Christians even though Christianity predated Islam in those states/areas by several hundred years. In Egypt and Syria one cannot build new Churches, in Saudi Arabia there is not a single Church nor is an individual allowed to have a private chapel in ones own home, and the rest of the region the persecution of Christians is the worst in the world.

It is to be recalled that after the OAU international conference held in Addis Ababa in 1963, the newly independent nation of �Somalia� challenged Ethiopia to hand over all of the Harrar and Bale Provinces as its Ogaden territory. Of course, Somali�s claim of the Ogaden is no different than the destructive ethnic based amateurish (so called) �liberation� movements of several Ethiopia�s many ethnic groups seeking independence from their mother country. The political evolution of the region shows that what is now considered to be Somaliland, Puntland, and Somalia was historically part of Ethiopia taken over by Ottoman Turks in the 15th Century and after. Conflict with Somalia is not something new for Ethiopian government leaders; it was routine as can be easily ascertained by the many conflicts recorded in the Chronicles of Ethiopia�s great emperors throughout the last millennium. Because we are overwhelmed with our current disastrous political and economic condition, we tend to forget how great Ethiopia truly was, and also how ancient, for we are grand-parents to all tribal or clannish movements that used the assistance of the historical enemies of Ethiopia in order to secede from Ethiopia.

The 20th century creation of Somalia did not result in any stable government, after all the independent Somalia in 1960 was a hastily drawn state by the United Nations Trust Council. This newly created Somalia being goaded by Ethiopia�s historic enemies tried to invade Ethiopia in 1964 on the disputed territory of Ogaden and was soundly beaten. The Soviet Union secured some political footing in Somalia around 1967 and poured hundreds of millions of dollars worth of upgrade and new training of the Somali army and provided it with modern military hardware. It was also the time the short sighted American Government of Jimmy Carter refused to deliver paid for military hardware to Ethiopia that drove Ethiopia into the welcoming arms of the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union was far more sophisticated in its assessment of the politics of the region than the United States whose foreign policy was guided by one single factor of free access to the oil fields of Saudi Arabia. The Soviet Union was willing to abandon Somalia and embrace fully Ethiopia because the Soviet Union appreciated the significance of Ethiopia in the region.

It is to be recalled that the 1960s and 1970s were also periods the rabid Gemal Nasser of Egypt, Assad of Syria, Faisal of Saudi Arabia mounted both open and clandestine campaign against Ethiopia. Somalia bolstered by its allies and taking advantage of the monumental political upheaval taking place in Ethiopia since 1975, invaded Ethiopia in 1977 and marched all over the Ogaden region in a short lived euphoria, for the Ethiopian army in 1978 mounted a counter offensive and recaptured all of the Ogaden region and marched triumphantly into Somalia itself

I have a uniquely serious reason why I am reiterating past engagements between Somalia and Ethiopia and the political fallout thereof. And it is not for a cheap thrill of showing the valor and achievement of the Ethiopian army, but to remind us that in the past during such similar trying periods our political organizations erred by not supporting the Ethiopian government fighting to preserve the territorial integrity of Ethiopia. I have often heard this clich� of history repeating itself, which seems to have been tailor-made to depict the political process of Ethiopia. In 1976-77, during the Somali military build up and final attack both Meison (initially) and EPRP were to a varying degree against Ethiopia�s defensive engagement with the Somali military. In the same way, the current opposition leaders seem to be opposed to the defensive engagement of the Ethiopian Government and army supporting the Somali Transitional Federal Government. [Some of the current opposition leaders happen to be the same former leaders of Meison and EPRP during the 1976-77 period.] I was hoping decades of reflection would have enlightened opposition leaders to look beyond their own hunger for power in order to evaluate correctly the danger of opposing the policy of the Ethiopian government in this particular conflict with Jihadist Somalis. Ethiopia�s historic enemies will never stop from trying to destroy Ethiopia.

We must accept the fact that the only legitimate state that organically evolved as a state in the �Horn� region is Ethiopia, for the rest are just artificial creations of European colonial powers, never having evolved on their own beyond the tribal or clan based small settlements most of the time either part of the Ethiopian Empire or that of the Ottoman Turks. Thus, based on that important acknowledgement of history, we must build our foreign relations accordingly. Moreover, the hostility against Ethiopia is not purely based on religious differences, but has to do also with the emergence of hegemonic world power structure since the Europeans successfully dismantled the Ottoman Turkish Empire and dominated the region after the First World War and later conceding to the United States emerging power.

This brings to mind Dr. Ghelawdewos Aaria�s masterfully written and highly educational series of articles on the Ethiopia � Somalia conflicts. What I have in mind is a particular passage written by Ghelawdewos that described elegantly what I have tried in my clumsy way to state above. Ghelawdewos wrote, �In 1988, however, in an effort to silence internal opposition and resistance, Said Barre and Mengistu Haile Mariam of Ethiopia met to make peace and recreate normal relations between Somalia and Ethiopia . But in just three years after the peace accord was signed between the two countries, the United Somali Congress (USC) and the Ethiopian Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) ousted Barre and Haile Mariam from power respectively. In January 1991 Said Barre fled Mogadishu and in the same year Mengistu fled Ethiopia to Zimbabwe. The political scenario that followed Barre and Mengistu in their respective countries, however were entirely different in terms of preserving the nation and the continued performance of the central government. Ethiopia, as a nation, with the exception of the loss of Eritrea, is still in tact; a functioning central government also continued to prevail in Addis Ababa. By contrast, Somalia virtually killed itself under clan fratricidal wars�� [Ghelawdewos Araia, �Understanding the Ethiopian-Somalia Relations & seeking Permanent Solutions to the Conflict in the Horn of Africa,� posted in www.tecolahagos.com, 2006] Although Ghelawdewos intended this particular passage to warn us about the danger of ethnic based politics; nevertheless, the passage is exceptionally significant because it encapsulate the far advanced nature of the state of Ethiopia in such brief but beautifully stated paragraph.

There is much that we take for granted about Ethiopia. We do not seem to appreciate how mature a civilization, in terms of tolerance of differences, we have in Ethiopia. Even though we had a sense of our political independence, but sadly we do not have a good sense of how to bring about economic independence; thus we suffered greatly not advancing as much as we should have given the thousands of years of self-generated independent existence we had maintained to this day. I have maintained often in my essays and articles the idea that our underdevelopment in the main is a result of our own self-mutilation due to unusually hierarchical often masochist destructive family relationships, especially the stagnation of children�s development at the oral level, ignorance, degenerative political system, generally ascetic philosophy of life et cetera. May be such is the symptom of all long living civilizations. 

III. What We Must Do

Because Ethiopia is much more than its constitutive parts, it is also never equivalent or interchangeable with its political or religious leaders. One must not confuse Meles Zenawi and his Government with the State of Ethiopia. Our dislike, in my case utter contempt, for Meles Zenawi and his sycophantic supporters ought not to blind us from seeing the danger our country is facing at this point of our history. There is always enough time to throw out an errant leader and start a new leadership; however, there is no sufficient time to reconstitute a nation once lost.

I am not a fool or a political novice to be manipulated by any camouflaged traitor, who may try to use some crises, manufactured or real, to divert the attention of the general public from the horrendous oppressive governmental practice of such a leader and his supporters. To the contrary, I have a clear understanding of what is most important to our continued existence as a people, a nation, and a civilization, thus I insist that we must not listen to the Opposition defenders who want to undermine the war that is underway in Somalia. Ethiopia has every right to defend itself from Jihadist attacks no matter who started the conflict. We must separate the two issues dealing with the leadership of Meles Zenawi and the defense of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ethiopia, in order for us to reach a decision that will preserve our national interest.

Ethiopia is being choked by its historic enemies on all sides with no outlet to the outside world except through Kenya. The Port of Djibouti is now in the hands of Dubai and Qatar, two utterly obnoxious enemies of Ethiopia ever tightening the noose of destruction around Ethiopia. The Emir of Qatar is a personal friend to the �Eritrean� Leader, and the rumor is that Dubai has taken over the development of the Port of Massawa. What we are witnessing is the aggregation and mobilization of our formidable enemies lining up to destroy Ethiopia. These enemies are emboldened by the fact that they have in their pocket Europe and are working on the United States. The Somali Jihadists are simply the opening salvo aimed at Ethiopia by these historic enemies of Ethiopia. It is in times like these that statesmanship and political maturity are most desirable to have in our leaders.  Instead what we have are junior diplomats assigned to tackle monumental problems. The Foreign Ministry is one place where such leadership and political savvy is acutely in short supply. The newly appointed �diplomats� assigned to tackle these horrendous international crises are new recruits to the Foreign Service profession, the task is beyond their capacity.

It is a tragedy in times like the current crises that the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs is a poorly run government agency compared to other government agencies. One has just to visit their Website to see how embarrassingly unprofessional the Ministry information system is by reading their few foreign policy releases, statements full of spelling and grammatical errors written in eighth grade level English. Most importantly, they have not commissioned academic works such as books and journal articles on important issues dealing with Ethiopian history, on Ethiopian sovereignty, on territorial expanse, regional political strategy, et cetera that could have put Ethiopia in good light. They have not sponsored conferences helpful to the cause of Ethiopia. They have not even used the most formidable prestige of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church to create relationships with other Christian Churches around Europe and the United States and Latin American countries in order to win support for Ethiopian causes and insure the continued existence of Ethiopia. From the Minister all the way down to his many subordinates and hangers-on are all amateurs whose idea of diplomacy does not go beyond personal relationships and the use of polite and deceptive words. There seems to be no long term strategy or short term tactics discernable from their activities in the last fifteen years.

Considering its ineffectiveness, I have sufficient reason to state that the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs is a useless government organ; it will not raise any eyebrow if it is collapsed to form part of the Office of the Prime Minister, and thereby stop all pretences. At any rate, it is a fact now for some time that it is the Prime Minister who is running the show totally marginalizing the Ministry; the Ministry seems to have been reduced in its responsibilities to checking credentials of foreign diplomats and the observation of protocol! There was some recent lay-offs of a couple of former Ambassadors from minority groups and several retirement-age personnel leaving intact the troublesome entrenched Mengistu�s men  and women still in place, individuals who should never have been allowed even to see the inside of the headquarters of the Ethiopian Foreign Affairs Ministry.

This is also the time to seek the help of seasoned former officials whose expertise in Somali affairs is well recognized. For example, Ambassadors Ayalew Mandefro and Zewde Reta are great source of knowledge on Somali politics that should be consulted in times like this. And there are several other elderly Ethiopian former diplomats and officials as well with great experience in the political and economic past of Somalia whose assistance should be sought. The sad fact is that the Ethiopian Government did not even have a task force especially dedicated to tackle the Somali crises as a counter balance to the governments own departmental organization in the Foreign Affairs Ministry. It is never late to correct deficiencies within the government in order to have a more effective proactive foreign policy in this regard. One important change that should be made without delay is to change the United Nations Ethiopian Delegation and replace them with mature diplomats that include prominent Somali-Ethiopians to play major roles on the diplomatic front. Ethiopian Moslems who speak Arabic as well as French need be given lead diplomatic positions to tackle the complex and diverse Somali crises.

Let us not delude ourselves into thinking that the obvious current support of Ethiopia by the Government of the United States, in the current Somali crisis, is the result of the diplomatic effort and skill of the new Ethiopian diplomats appointed recently to the area. What ever support the United States Government is providing to the Ethiopian Government in the present Somali crises is done due to its own self interest pursuant to a policy initiated by its own experts and military commanders who had a change of heart only recently. In a rare proactive policy decision almost six months ago, when the Ethiopian Government decided to hit the nascent Islamic Courts when it was solidifying its power base around Mogadishu, the Government of the United States turned down their idea, which led to the quick infiltration and dismantling of the Secular Somali Federal Government to its present condition. Such is the ineffectiveness of Ethiopia�s foreign relations policy and its inapt diplomats.

Eritrea, along with Ethiopia�s historic Arab enemies, seems to have been fully engaged in the initial creation and further development of the Islamic Courts. Eritrea provided the Islamic Courts with Weapon and training and fighting soldiers from its regular army. Eritrea never relented its war against Ethiopia even after signing the 2000 Algiers Agreement. In short of direct armed attack, Eritrea has undermined the interest of Ethiopia in every way it can, to the extent that et even lobbied and sabotaged the naming of a small section of the Shaw area of Washington DC as �Little Ethiopia� in acknowledgment of the significant role of Ethiopian business men and women who transformed a ghettoized-drug-dealing area into a respectable, clean, and thriving business neighborhood.  At this moment Eritrea has fully mobilized its military on Ethiopia�s Northern front just outside of the Buffer zone established pursuant to an agreement reached through the participation of the United Nations Peace Keeping Force.

IV. The United State Government

Out of concern and because of my well founded suspicion that Meles and his Government do not represent the interest of Ethiopia effectively in the United States and else where, I tried to find out the types of documentary supporting evidence and rhetoric that was being presented by the Ethiopian Government to the Congress of the United States. The little I found in my inquiry indicates that the Ethiopian Government still relays on documentation gathered during Haile Selassie�s Government, and very little current studies by scholars and experts is provided to the policy makers of the United States. The Congressional research outfit is doing far better job doing research on Ethiopia than the Ethiopian government. Of course, such approach and reliance on third parties is highly inefficient in its scholarship as can be easily ascertained by reading the official entry on Ethiopia by the Department of State and the Congress.

There are many reasons that explain the weaknesses of the Ethiopian Government in foreign relations. The single most important reason was the divided loyalty of the leaders of the Ethiopian Government as was amply demonstrated in their handling of the independence bid of an Ethiopian administrative region of Eritrea and the later boarder dispute between Eritrea and Ethiopia. Often enough they looked like as if they were agents of the Eritrean Government rather than leaders of Ethiopia. The United States Government should have realized the fifth column characteristics of Meles Zenawi at that initial stage and should have assigned some of its seasoned diplomats and experts at the highest level rather than relaying on the services of third rate CIA functionaries and informants.

�The continued existence of Ethiopia is dependent on properly securing the Afar coastal territory and the territorial waters on the Red Sea. This point cannot be emphasized enough. This is a matter of national survival. The Algiers Agreement of 12 December 2000 and the subsequent decision of the Border Commission of 13 April 2002 have no legal validity whatsoever. Even by the standard of the 1994 Ethiopian Constitution Article 86, the current leaders of Ethiopia have not protected the national interest and sovereignty of Ethiopia. The Algiers Agreement is invalid because of collusion and fraud committed by the leaders who signed the Agreement and because of its preemptive abrogation of the inherent rights of Sovereignty of the Ethiopian people. The decision of the Border Commission is invalid due to its lack of capacity to dispose off issues that affect the protected human rights of millions of Ethiopians; some of the Members of the Commission have conflict of interest�

It is often that intellectuals from developing countries think that the Democratic Party members when in control of the United States Government are the most receptive and supportive of the interest of developing countries. The truth of the matter is that it is the Republican Party controlled Government of the United States that has done much for developing countries around the world. The case of Ethiopia is no exception to this general statement. The next United States Presidential election is only a couple of years hence. Before we know it, the election will be all over us.  As Ethiopians we should be very weary and ready for hardship if the Democrats win the election of 2008. Ethiopia will be in dire circumstance if Democrats win the coming election. Whether it is Clinton, Obama, or Edwards who succeed President Bush, Ethiopia will suffer with any one of them in the White House. Fanatical supporters of Eritrea like John Prendergast would have a voice and influence in a Democratic Party lead administration, and would have a field day in dismantling Ethiopia.

The United States Government must realize by now that Eritrea is not its supportive friend. Eritrea is in the camp of the Arab League and hostile to the interest of the United States. Some American policy makers have started realizing their error in landlocking Ethiopia and denying her historic coastal territories of the Afar. Events since the independence of Eritrea have shown that Ethiopia is being squeezed from all sides by vicious historic enemies that want nothing less than the total destruction of Ethiopia. Although Ethiopians do not realize it well enough to use it effectively, Ethiopia has great wealth in its fresh water system of rivers and lakes the envy of its Arab enemies. It is also one of the most populous nations in Africa.  The issue of the Afar coastal territories of Ethiopia must be revisited and the corrupt Boarder Commission findings voided and completely expunged from having any legal effect whatsoever.

The interest of the United States is best served by investing its military and other economic assistants in Ethiopia than in Eritrea or Egypt or any where else in Africa. There is nothing that the United States can get from �Eritrea� or Egypt that Ethiopia cannot give ten fold. Ethiopia is a tenacious country. No other country would have survived the assaults of formidable adversaries over the millennium and survived. It is a nation with greatly evolved ethical content of a sense of individual responsibility, social structure based on respect and compassion et cetera.� For example, there is no tradition of hostage taking, or condemnation of groups by association, or religious fanaticism. These facts alone should have moved the United States to greater commitment to support the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ethiopia rather than walk down a dubious double-dealing path of betrayal, such as the tragedy of the whole shameful activity of secession of �Eritrea� and the land-locking of Ethiopia that was led by the political formulation of very junior State Department functionaries, who were given a free hand in areas of responsibilities way above their ability or competency, thereby denying historical reality and facts, undermining the rule of well-established peremptory norms of customary international law and practices, and long standing friendly relationship with Ethiopia.

This Century is going to be a century of a series of fights between terrorists and established traditional governments. Because the United States is conspicuously secular, rich, and powerful which facts make it also a large target wherein every disgruntled or disfranchised group would take a shot at it. The Middle East crisis is not going to be solved at all for a long time. Terrorism or state to state conflicts will increase and not decrease in the foreseeable future. The world is heading in dangerous direction of war and conflict and terrorist activities. The United States so far has invested more than fifty billion dollars in Egypt hoping to appease the antagonism against the United States and Israel, but has nothing to show for all its money�for the region is a caldron of hate for the United States. However, If the United States had invested in Ethiopia a fraction of the huge amount of money it invested in Egypt, that investment would have secured for the United State a far more stable and highly efficient nation of Ethiopia as good  and solid friend to protect its interest in the area. It is high time for the United States to start thinking primarily strategies for security reasons for the Middle East and the �Horn� countries before adopting strategies for business reasons.   

Conclusion: Recommendations

Taking into account both historical and current hostilities aimed at Ethiopia by Arab nations around the region, and the unreasonable and psychopathic hostility of the  Arab supported Eritrea toward Ethiopia, and the Arab Jihadist Somali ambition of Greater Somalia, and also taking into account the long standing simmering animosity of Sudan towards Ethiopia, all of us must support the Ethiopian army and leadership where we find it even if it means supporting Meles Zenawi who brought us to this disastrous situation with his immature short sighted leadership.

If it were possible to get rid of Meles Zenawi quickly and replace him with a patriotic leader, that would have been the best possible life saving mechanism for Ethiopia. However, We do not have that luxury as things are unfolding rapidly plunging Ethiopia ever deeper into a conflict that could easily overwhelm and set us back for decades.   Supporting the Ethiopian military does not mean that we have to love Meles Zenawi as our leader. If there is any opening, as events develop, to remove Meles from power, we ought to do that by all means and yet maintain our support of the Ethiopian Army. Meles Zenawi is a problem, a mejeger. We all know that, we also know the easiest way we can effectively defend Ethiopia starts with his removal, but before we can do that our home is being put on fire; therefore, it is a matter of priority that we all have to mobilize ourselves wherever we may be behind the Ethiopian Government, its leaders, and above all our Ethiopian Army.

It might be necessary to declare a state of emergency and start mobilizing the Ethiopian population for war. Of course, I realize that such measures have adverse effects on the meager economy of Ethiopia. However, we do not seem to have much choice in the matter. There will be very many profiteer merchants and others who would seek to take advantage of the situation and engage in hiking prices and creating shortages et cetera.   Under such similar national crises and circumstances, even the most democratic and advanced governments in the world, such as the United States, have issued laws and administrative orders strictly regulating price, supply, and sale of goods and services. Here is why the full cooperation of every Ethiopian is a must. However, under the present polarized political situation, with tremendous hate and opposition against the current leaders of the Ethiopian Government, it seems a hopeless situation to defend Ethiopia effectively. Here is why great sacrifices from all are expected.

The following are the first important steps that ought to be taken by the Ethiopian Government:

  1. Declare state of emergency.
  2. Release all political prisoners especially the Opposition leaders, with a condition that they are not to engage in any subversive political activity that will undermine the defense of Ethiopia during the period of emergency.
  3. Release Seye Abrha and reinstate him to command the Northern Ethiopian Army facing off the Eritrean treat. Reinforcement of the Northern front extremely important, with additional recruitment of militia army. 
  4. Replace the current Chief of Staff of the Ethiopian military forces immediately.
  5. Appoint new Foreign Affairs Minister and his Deputy and other seasoned diplomats to the United Nations, United States, Germany, France, and United Kingdom.
  6. Appoint a coordinator for Ethiopians in the Diaspora.
  7. Mount massive public relations offensive in defense of Ethiopia through civilian business men and women, religious leaders, civic leaders et cetera around the world concentrating more in Europe and the United States.

I need not remind my fellow Ethiopians,  that the current crises in and war with the Jihadist Islamic Courts is the beginning of a well organized attack by Ethiopia�s historic enemies and newly minted ones to destroy Ethiopia completely. I demand that individuals such as Negede Gobeze and Mengistu�s thugs stop their current subversive activities (all over Europe) undermining the military operation of the Ethiopian Government in Somalia. I also urge all legitimate �opposition� groups everywhere that are against Meles Zenawi and his Government to halt their opposition activities temporarily for the sake of the survival of Ethiopia. In fact, I appeal to all Ethiopians to have a clear understanding that fighting for our Ethiopia does not mean supporting Meles Zenawi in any personal manner. We fight to preserve our Ethiopia, our mother country, the cradle of all mankind! Ω   

 

Tecola W. Hagos

Washington DC

December 25, 2006