SEYE ABRAHA: MYTH AND REALITY

By Tecola W. Hagos

�If you have made mistakes, there is always another chance for you. You may have a fresh start any moment you choose, for the thing we call �failure� is not the falling down, but the staying down.� Mary Pickford

�Learn from the mistakes of others. You can�t live long enough to make them all yourself.� Eleanor Roosevelt

I. Introduction: Myth and Reality

With advancing old age, I have become more cynical having lost my innocence under the grinding reality of life away from the people I want to be with and far from a country where I belong. However, it is also true that the process of living in a meaningful way anywhere brings with it restorative surprises now and then. I am rarely moved by oration; however, the presentation of Seye Abraha on January 5, 2007 was one such an exceptional occasion of restorative surprise.  On this particular occasion, Seye delivered in a sustained two-hour speech that could be easily ranked as the most astute, eloquent, and constructive statements by a politician. In fact, with some of his deeply philosophical and moral points, Seye transcended being mere politician and achieved the status of a statesman.

There was also another equally significant event (and to me personally gratifying), which could be considered as an important lesson on the greatness of Ethiopians even in our Diaspora situation. We must all acknowledge the value of our tradition of genuine dignity and discipline, tolerance, and the capacity to forgive (hode sefinet) those who trespassed against us. The huge Hall at Crystal City Hilton was full, which was an affirmative response in itself to the invitation of Seye to all Ethiopians. The august presence of so many Ethiopians focused on giving a chance to a very controversial personality like Seye defined us even better than the volumes written about us as a people of impeccable culture. Obviously, one would assume in an invitation of this kind that most of the attendees from the Ethiopian community would be those living in the Washington Metropolitan area. However, at the Hall I run into people who have come from as far as Boston, New York City et cetera. I was immensely impressed with the positive, cordial, attentive, and engaged Ethiopians who attended the meeting. Obviously, I have to qualify my past criticisms (often scathing) of Ethiopians in the Diaspora for our lack of political savvy and intolerance. I was very proud of the mature and dignified manner Ethiopians, with different political agenda and affiliation, behaved in that cavernous Hall. 

In order to give a full cover of the speech given by Seye will require me to write down at the minimum a book length chronicle. At this moment, I will only cover some of the most important presentations. Thus, I will highlight only a few of Seye�s highly relevant and timely statements. All of the great ideas and the many quotable statements made by Seye in his two-hour long speech and an hour of questions-answers session must wait for another time. It is obvious that Seye was looking not only at our immediate and concrete social and political problems, but also was projecting into the future of our nation. It is in that projection that I require clarity of principles, and urge all of us not to be overwhelmed with/by the expediency of short term resolution of our national and individual perennial problems.

This presentation of Seye at the meeting clarified who Seye Abraha really is. In a way it separated the myth from the reality of Seye. Very often, I have heard very many Ethiopians, mostly former Derg officials and collaborators (no surprise here), alleging that Seye is a narrow minded ethnicist and chauvinist who is full of arrogance. I must say with that single speech Seye has successfully demolished such myth(s) with the reality of his passionate expression of love of Ethiopia and his enlightened and firm convictions on the value of reconciliation and understanding. In fact, Seye puts us all to shame by not holding grudges against those who inflicted tremendous pain and suffering on him and his family members. We must sympathize with the continued imprisonment of his brother, Assefa Abraha. For the last six years Assefa, along with Seye before his release, was imprisoned by the government of Meles Zenawi on concocted charges. Assefa had earlier suffered ten years of torturous imprisonment by Mengistu, and freed when the EPRDF marched into Addis Ababa in 1991. And yet Assefa is still in prison though he is legally entitled to be freed under existing law after having served already two-third of his sentence.  

II. Reconciliation and Understanding

The most important message that Seye presented, with tremendous emphasis, was the idea of tearing down barriers between opposing political groups, between antagonistic individuals et cetera who are engaged in some form of political competition. He emphasized the fact that such types of antagonistic political rivalry prevalent in Ethiopia and in the Diaspora simply help the current Meles lead Ethiopian Government to succeed in its effort to hang onto power. It is very unlikely that one can find in the Ethiopian community in the Diaspora or at home anyone who may be opposed to removing barriers in order to facilitate discourse.

The real problem is whether reconciliation would result from such discourse. Therein is the challenge to Seye and all other like minded politicians. It seems Seye is suggesting one important approach as a solution in order to bring down such barriers. He emphasized an approach that would allow everyone to win by avoiding an approach that is identified as the �zero-sum game.� Seye�s suggested methodology will make it possible for conflicted Ethiopian political organizations and individual members of Ethiopian communities gain something from the interaction�a process that will empower us all�with no one group or individual being totally winner or totally loser.

The suggestion of Seye on this particular issue should be given special attention. As Seye emphasized we have not gained anything by our continuous attacks and counter-attacks of each other as institutions, organizations, even individuals. Seye�s ideas on reconciliation and understanding contrast with his other point of our national asset or characteristic of persistence �menchekowoch.� These two seemingly contradictory demands on us may require great skill in order to make them work to our benefits. It is in this light I see the great bridge that Seye could be, for all to walk across to meet half way with those who are in conflict or in disagreement.   

III. Party Organizations and Political Structures

Seye stated in his speech that federal structure based on the current system of �nations and nationalities� is the right approach; however, he stated also the current political structure as pursued by the Ethiopian Government is wrong. Seye obviously have thought of the problem that seems to be inherent in the peculiar form of Ethiopia�s experiment with �federalism,� in the possibility of weakening the state structure, in the creation of more fault-lines in between Ethiopians with different ethnic backgrounds. As a result of such reevaluation, Seye insisted that Ethiopia is more than a� basket� full of ethnic groups. Here is a major difference Seye pointed out between his understanding of a federal structure made up of �nations and nationalities� that should not be seen as a conglomerate of discrete entities, but as a complex structure interconnected by blood, history, cross-over cultural values et cetera. Seye�s approach on federalism is unlike and in contradistinction to the current federal structure of the Ethiopian Government that emphasizes separateness rather than unity as the fundamental political structure in Ethiopia. In other words, the culture, language, social values, et cetera of �nationalities and nations� must be respected in order to safeguard the individual rights of individual citizens of the nation. I find his approach quite intriguing.

In private discussions he made his point very clear that it is impossible for him to imagine how the rights of �nations and nationalities� could be implemented without taking into account the individual rights of each individual as an Ethiopian citizen. He correctly pointed out that the current Ethiopian Government is using this difficult conceptual relationship between the rights of the individual and the political rights of �nations and nationalities� to create fear among the millions of Ethiopians with specific ethnic identity by claiming that the opposition is trying to take away their �ethnic� based rights that they gained after overthrowing both feudal and later military regimes of Ethiopia. Seye believes that the opposition must be wise and clever in reading how the current government is undermining the legitimate struggle for freedom, justice, and democracy by casting that whole struggle as if it is a fight between �traditionalist unitarians� and the �enlightened� ethnic federalists.

In illustrating his concept of Federalism, Seye brought out the claims of OLF as a good example to illustrate the distortion of the concept of federalism and the issue of Self determination. He emphatically rejected the claim by OLF that the Oromo question is a colonial question. He emphasized the fact that the Oromo people have humanized us all with their generous nature and there is hardly any Ethiopian without Oromo blood.  He used the grievances that Oromo people feel as a good example why federalism of nations and nationalities with full respect to such identifiable ethnic identity must be recognized as the building block of our Ethiopian political structure. This was one very touching moment in Seye�s presentation that I sensed his emotional involvement and commitment, not just as some kind of cold-blooded solution to a political problem, but as a response coming from deep within his very soul that he cried out for justice and fairness for such good people. In the past Ethiopian leaders have failed to protect and embrace fully a number of groups who are identified now as �nations and nationalities.�

Because I favor unitarian political structures over federalism, I spent considerable time studying the effect of such ideologies in society. It is worth our effort to see closely the distinction between federalist and unitarian political structures. One may be surprised to find that the orchestrated difference between the two forms of structures may indeed be a matter of emphasis (as opposed to being fundamental) especially at a stage of change from autocratic to democratic societies. There may not be some dramatic change that would display significantly shifting reality of our political life on the ground. The question of preference of one structure to the other must be considered in connection with the political gains and losses for Ethiopians in having either system. Ethiopia is not Somalia or Kenya, for in Ethiopia due to its long life as an independent state, there is woven into the fabric of Ethiopian social life great patterns of law and order, a culture of individual responsibility, the concept of justice and fairness, and minimal tradition of mob actions. 

IV. 2000 Algiers Agreement and Neighborhood Conflicts

Throughout the address of Seye of that diverse audience, there were several spontaneous applauses in response to several key statements made by Seye. When Seye introduced the issue of the conflict and later war with Eritrea, there was an absolutely charged silence, and people edging to the front of their seats, and straining their ears in order not to miss a single word. After Seye informed the audience that his was the only voice of dissent against the approval of the 2000 Algiers Agreement expressed as an abstention in the Ethiopian Parliament, the Audience applauded the loudest. Seye explained the main difference between the positions of fellow Officials (the Meles and Sebhat Group) and his own stand on that issue was due to his adamant insistence that the war against Eritrea should be prosecuted in the best national interest of Ethiopia.   

Seye pointed out the fact that Ethiopia must have access to the sea. He also stated that he will not envision planting Ethiopian Flag in Asmara. He meant by such clear statement that the primary relationship between the people of Ethiopia and Eritrea must seek peaceful coexistence. He left his audience with the impression of far closer relationship between Ethiopia and Eritrea than mere neighbors doing business with each other. However, he pointed out the type of danger the current Eritrean government pauses not only to Ethiopia but also to the region. It was very gratifying also to hear such a high profile personality like Seye calling �a spade a spade� by stating the fact that �Eritrea is a small and poor country.� And further stressed the fact of it being financed by neighboring nations hostile to Ethiopia to arm itself with war planes and maintain over a hundred thousand-man army far in excess of its national capacity.  

The Somali situation was also a part of Seye�s comment on regional concern of peace and security. He saw the crises in Somalia as a security issue for Ethiopia. He identified the incursion of terrorism in the region as a major threat to Ethiopia, and that threat must not be ignored. He pointed out the decision to counter (confront) terrorists in Somalia and the involvement of Ethiopia in the �Somali crises� by sending troops into Somalia on the request of the Somali Government was a correct step in the promotion of Ethiopia�s national interest; however, Seye pointed out that entering Mogadishu was a great error of judgment especially by such experienced Ethiopian military commanders who were drawn from the ranks of former commanders of guerrilla freedom fighters. He pointed out the dragging of fallen Ethiopia soldiers by Somali mobs was humiliating for a great army like that of Ethiopia. Seye did not offer operational solution that the Ethiopian government would follow to extricate itself without further aggravating the highly volatile situation in Somalia.  

V. On Kinijit and other Opposition

The rumor that had been going around for the last six months that Seye is joining Kinijit (CUD) is settled now at last. Seye stated that he is not a member of Kinijit (CUD). He explained further how the present Ethiopian leaders might have been the source for such rumor hoping to cut him off from any political influence he might have in the EPRDF political structure. It does not seem that far fetched for us to suspect such rumor mills of the government spreading fallacious news whether it is against Seye or anyone else they think would threaten the power of their leaders.

According to Seye, there is much that we may be able to learn from Kinijit political evolution especially from the current breakdown of its leadership. He suggested that we have not absorbed much of the political issues that lead to the discord and possible breakup of that organization. He repeatedly stated that not only leaders but Ethiopians in general must talk with each other with rationality and respecting one another. Seye stressed the fact of mud-slinging he had read and observed between rival political groups and in between supporters of such groups is not at all helpful to anyone, and that there is no benefit to anyone either.

It is in connection with the issue of political development, especially in the Diaspora, that Seye criticized the role being played by Ethiopian radio stations and online Internet websites et cetera. He pointed out the fact that Ethiopians in the Diaspora in the West have a great degree of freedoms of speech and expression that they should have used in a most constructive manner to promote dialogue between political organizations and people of Ethiopia in general. He stressed the fact that these accesses to mass communication were not fully engaged in the best possible manner to the benefit of Ethiopians. These tools Seye observed have been used to denigrate, insult, undermine et cetera individuals or groups rather than being used for the expansion of our understanding and expansion of our knowledge to promote political culture in our country.

VI. Accountability and the Future of the EPRDF

It is a fact that few ex-officials of a government or a political organization would take responsibilities for the failure of their organizations. Seye stated clearly that he shares responsibilities for mistakes made during the time he was part of the Government lead by the EPRDF before his imprisonment. Seye declined to �apologize� as was suggested in a question form by an individual, for it seems inappropriate at that point in the discussion to go down that route. Seye took the occasion to present the problem of the issue of �apology� with a degree of humor. He pointed out clearly that many individuals in the audience were former Derg supporters, Meison members, EPRP members et cetera and such the question of �apology� may be asked of them as well. He stated that one should not engage oneself in some form of �hisab mawerared� (meaning closing an account book) at this point but must be part of the dialogue in the reconciliation and understanding process. His answer was far from what is reported in a couple of Websites that framed the issue in a simplistic machismo forms of total rejection of taking responsibility for ones actions.

Seye�s most poignant remark dealt with his understanding of the structure of a political organization and its leadership. He seems to suggest that a political organization, such as the EPRDF, has valuable asset in its organizational structure. It is not helpful at all not to build on such asset after having removed an errant and destructive leadership from such political organization. On this particular issue, I find Seye�s remark one of the best I have heard or read in years and as a consequence I started reassessing my own belief where I tend to favor starting all political programs with a clean slate, without past baggage. It is in this sense that Seye�s gesture of helping the EPRDF correct its errors must be understood, which also opens up several speculative issues and questions. One such error that needs immediate correction is the seemingly democratic technique used by EPRDF to undermine the development of effective national political parties by creating numerous little parties (over seventy by the Ethiopian Government own official statement) and by manufacturing situations that such numerous locally based parties engage in fighting each other, and thereby allowing EPRDF the freedom to do what ever it wants.

Seye is approachable, with an unassuming demeanor, and great collegiality that seems to attract a number of former TPLF fighters to his side from what I witnessed in the brief moment I attended his monumental speech. There seems to be some undercurrent, a kind of subtext that suggested to me there might be some kind of reform in the EPRDF itself that the several thousand members, who have been thrown out of the organization they created and built, may take back their organization and may restructure it with new leadership. I have imagined several other possible texts in connection with the visit and address of Seye of the Diaspora that I need not discuss here and now.

Seye stated that if he can help the EPRDF recognize its mistakes and correct its errors, he will help in such an effort. In a most dramatic statement on his suffering, in response to a question about Meles, he transcended hate and individual suffering. During the questions-answers period, an individual after stating how Seye has matured and was transformed into a caring sensitive �Ethiopian,� the man proceeded with the comment that Meles Zenawi might benefit from being sent to prison. The insinuation was not lost on the quick witted Seye, and his answer reflected both his maturity and Christian virtue. Despite the great harm done to him and his family, he stated clearly that he does not wish that form of suffering on anyone including Meles Zenawi.

I must caution not only Seye but all other persons, that working under Meles Zenawi irrespective of the motive for doing so is a kiss of death. I am not implying here that Seye has any such ideation. As long as Meles Zenawi is in power, he cannot help himself, but manipulate and use people for his own esoteric and selfish motives. In connection with this particular issue of working with Meles Zenawi, we all should keep in mind Aesop�s fable of the Frog and the Scorpion.  By now we must have fully understood that Meles Zenawi cannot help himself except being Meles Zenawi, an individual beyond reform. EPRDF liberated from the likes of Meles Zenawi and Sebhat Nega and a few other sycophants could be transformed into a political vehicle to help bring about democratic changes in Ethiopia. I appreciate Seye�s insight in this regard about building on the assets of existing political structures as a good idea supported by valid arguments.

Conclusion

This was supposed to be a brief report, but old habits die hard, and I end up writing several more pages beyond my intentions. Some time ago I wrote asking the one question that is always in the back of my mind: Quo Vadis, Ethiopia? Where to, Ethiopia? [See my article �Quo Vadis, Opposition?� that was posted June 13, 2005.] My question has not been fully answered to this day. I ponder that same question once more. We have come once again at a political crossroads, one of several that we have come across in the last thirty years. How are we to resolve the many issues facing us that are both internal and international? The starting point is already identified for us by Seye: let us start talking with each other and not at each other or past each other. Let us introduce and insist on polite discourse.

Now, Seye is physically free, but how free he truly is? As he sensibly stated, for anyone to be politically involved in Ethiopia is like walking on razor blade. Let us not doubt for a moment that Seye is standing on a razor blade as we bespeak. It seems he is now burdened with far more responsibilities than just winning battles, the part that he played so successfully, which has transformed him into a legend for many of his fellow warriors. The awesome responsibility of healing wounds, building the shattered lives of millions of Ethiopians, and helping all fellow Ethiopians on the road to reconciliation and understanding is a far more difficult challenge to Seye or anybody else than any that has been faced by any political leader.

Now, Seye�s inspiring struggle against a vindictive Meles Zenawi, as well as Sebhat Nega and others, reminds me of a great character in "Lawrence of Arabia," Auda abu Tayi, who said at a most dramatic moment in that epic story, �Yet I am poor because I am a river to my people.� I see in Seye a river, a courageous individual willing to serve his people and his country. Seye made it absolutely clear that his role is that of a bridge builder between warring political groups, between antagonistic political leaders, aggrieved people against traditional Ethiopia et cetera. And I believe in his sincerity, and I think that he is the right person who will be able to bring about unity, reconciliation, and understanding to all of us, his Ethiopian people by helping build a bridge, but also by becoming a bridge himself for us, his Ethiopian people, to walk all over him to safety.Ω

Tecola W. Hagos

January 6, 2008

Washington DC