I have always wandered why we Ethiopians cannot combine forces and bring about changes in the political, economic and social spheres to the benefit our country in this age of abundance. Ethiopia has been portrayed time and again by over-eager Western Media as a land of abject poverty, famine, and pestilence. Even though Ethiopia is endowed with enormous human and natural resources, it is still suspended at the very edge of a quagmire of the HIV/AIDS epidemic and hunger, where millions of Ethiopians are in total despair and desolation. Ethiopia is ranked among the poorest of the poor. It is a fact that previous and current governments have their part in the misguided and corrupted policy of not putting the country on the path of development and democracy; the educated class has undeniably contributed to this sad state of affairs of the country. Since the independence movements of many countries of the world during the 50s or 60s, all countries near and around the Sahara are self-subsistent in food with hardly any international assistance. Some Africans have started to call Ethiopia an embarrassment to Africa. Unfortunately, instead of directing their vigor to the cause of Ethiopia, there are some Ethiopians, who squander their time on a project of defaming modern and respected writers of Ethiopia. Such a �poisoned� malice and stream of abuse from such myopic approach might have emanated from envy, vanity, infantilism, and �I-know it-all� tendency or simply as ebullition of feeling or frustration. 

The case in point is the newly dispatched piece of paper, written by Tseggai Mebrahtu entitled �Modernization: a poisoned chalice for Ethiopians�, portraying one of Ethiopia�s true sons, the prolific writer, educator and scholar Professor Tecola Hagos as a treasonous, ethnocentric and provincial spokesperson of the TPLF, while relegating the role of Tigrians in the struggle against the Military dictatorship of Mengistu Hailemariam as a riot of a bunch of peasant youth, used as a sacrificial lamb for nothing. Though people can have dissenting views and are entitled to their opinions, theories and thoughts, Tseggai Mebrahtu�s falsification of Professor Tecola�s views with a torrent of insults against both Prof. Tecola and the Tigrean people and thereby dividing and inciting the people of Ethiopia to hate them for the total failure of Ethiopia, goes far beyond dissent and opinion. This same Tseggai then turns around and shouts at the same time about �foul play� by warning websites not to post any article (imagine a born democrat turned censor), otherwise they are �resorting to such incivilities, in a blatant violation of the posting guidelines of their websites, suffer from poverty of ideas.� 

Furthermore, Tseggai challenges critics to �prove him wrong in accordance with the rules of the intellectual profession instead of resorting to the use of foul language�. If anyone dares to reply to his revisionist or apologetic stand, a stand written in base and guttural language without any objectivity or respect to historical facts, then such a critic is going to be branded as �to have inherited Marxism-Leninism or as Ethiopian Leninists who don�t try to prove you wrong.� What about this blackmailing by the good lawyer allying Prof. Tecola with the Eritrean philosophers and at the same time requiring Prof. Tecola not to defend himself otherwise �it would be foolish on his part if he were to try to demolish my arguments, whose sole aim is to defend the interest��.., unless he chooses to follow the example of the Eritrean philosophers��. Wonders never end in a quasi-intellectual head and impostor, never learning from the liberal and democratic traditions of the country he resides. These are surely statements, arousing the indignation of the Ethiopian people, who are used to �chewa� approach, respect and tolerance. 

Trying to dissuade people cunningly from responding after preposterously and recklessly vilifying Tecola and Tigrean fighters for freedom and justice officially by posting on the internet an insidious article, and at the same time Tseggai is asking us all to �letting bygones to be bygones by forgiving each other for the sake of unity,� while in the mean time threatening us that we might end up in total disintegration, is arrant nonsense. Here is another blunder, when Tseggai wanted to coerce us accept his theory of a doomsday for Ethiopians by asserting, �Menelik�s decision should be studied from the angle only of Ethiopian interest�.. Otherwise, we cannot continue to live together as Ethiopians�. Tseggai condemned just this word �disintegration of Ethiopia� a few sentence ago by consigning it to the EPRDF boss, who recently warned that poverty might lead us to the same destiny as that of ex-Yugoslavia. Therefore, the logic goes according to Tseggai that he has absolute monopoly on truth and facts in his balderdash and jejune writings. His tactic at this stage is known. He is trying to discredit and discourage opponents and renowned persons by lumping them together with fringe political groups so that they become ostracized and thus create further animosity among Ethiopians. Such ad hominem attacks are deplorable and have no place in our society or elsewhere. To counter false allegations forwarded by Tseaggai, I would like to go through the main parts of his paper, which in essence is full of contradictions, flaws and prejudices.

First of all, the whole concept of his paper doesn�t come up with groundbreaking recommendations of how to solve the severe political problems of the country, except it points out the need for �correct diagnosis of our problems�, �reconciliation at national, regional (ethnic) etc.�, �must help us rediscover the great merits of our traditional mechanism of resolving conflicts�, �political ethnicity is a danger to the unity and to the democratization/modernization of Ethiopia�, etc. Nice populist words with shallow contents. 

Because of his excessive obsession with Prof. Tecola, whom Tseggai mentions more than forty times attributing statements and positions Prof. Tecola never wrote or uttered anywhere, and due to the tedious task it requires to counter such numerous lies and misrepresentations one by one, I will try to limit myself without going in defense of Prof. Tecola on every point that Tseggai lied about and misstated. I really tried to find out in previous articles of Prof. Tecola the name Tseggai or any criticism against him and found none except a couple where Prof. Tecola graciously mentioned Tseggai�s previous essays. We know that Prof. Tecola has in his earlier article described his year and a half sojourn working in Ethiopia after the EPRDF took over state power after the fall of the Military dictatorship. Two years ago this issue was raised by the personal onslaught on Prof. Tecola by Shaibya�s propagandist number one, Sophia Tesfamariam. No wonder this concerted attack at this time! This tittle-tattle cannot be considered top news as it swerves from the purpose, i.e., Tseggai�s article goes from the sublime (the greatness and dynamism of Menelik) to the ridiculous (character assassination and threats). If we were to adopt Tseggai�s logical reasoning of arraigning people on a charge of treason for collaboration with this or that regime, then the reconciliation he is talking about has no meaning at all. If Tecola, who has worked for relatively short time was to be decollated, what will be then the fate of the thousands and thousands of ex-TPLF, ex-EPRDF, ex-Derg, ex-EPRP, ex-Meison, ex-OLF, ex-EDU, etc. members? Are we expected to set off a new type of Nuremberg trial on our compatriots with Tseggai as the prosecutor, judge and lawyer? No one has any right, not even the good lawyer, to accuse any Ethiopian, just for the simple reason that he/she has grudges or loses his/her temper. People living in a glasshouse shouldn�t be the first to throw stones and especially people who hail the rule of law as an abiding principle for any society. 

I have no purpose of defaming Tseggai or bring his previous deeds into public. But for the sake of clarity, let me cite his contempt and abhorrence of the Tigrean people since he is recommending Tigrean nationalists to �courageously and patriotically� imitate such �extraordinary wise Ethiopians� and follow in the footsteps of �Abraham Yayeh and Gebremedhin Araya.� Didn�t this expert know that both were members of the TPLF for long periods, with Abraham as a treasurer of the mass organization of the TPLF in the Sudan (or according to Abraham one of the top politicians and fighters of the TPLF) and Gebremedhin as internal revenue chief of the front? Wasn�t it Abraham Yayeh, who was a collaborator of the monstrous Mengistu in his last days of power, a friend of Issayas during the war 1998-2000, urging the Ethiopian Army through Shaibya�s radio to surrender and giving testimonies about the human right violations against deported Eritreans in the Geneva headquarters? God save us! Let�s be frank and peak up some of the head representatives of the opposition forces of UEDF: Mr. Aregawi Berhe and Dr. Beyene Petros? Mr. Berhe was one of the founding members of the TPLF, member of the politburo and central committee of the front and its army commander during 1975-1986 (eleven whole years), while Dr Beyene was head of the delegation, which was sent by the EPRDF to brief Ethiopians on the democratic achievements of the regime. Though these persons are working in some form to bring about democratic changes in Ethiopia, according to the verdicts of Tseggai, both of them should be dispelled, many others face his tribune and be executed. No! 

Any Ethiopian has the right to freely express and associate himself/herself to any organization without being called a traitor. If we are going to persecute people for what they have done earlier or now, then we will end up in a vicious circle of conflicts and rows with no future for our beloved county Ethiopia. Therefore, Tseggai, who never had any thoughts about the destiny of Ethiopia except for his engagement after the end of the war with Eritrea and entered the scene after �the Algiers agreement, which violated the integrity and territorial sovereignty of Ethiopia�, should not lose his composure. Instead he should devote his time to analyzing the root causes, which led to the occupation by Italy and alienation of Eritrea during the 1890s and a century later in 1991. May be enlightening reflections and deliberations on such root causes and issues will lead us to better understanding than writing insults and lies against individuals and people whose dedication to the preservation of the territorial integrity and independence of Ethiopia is unquestionable.

Tseggai serves us different portions of inconsistencies and conjectures of history in a mixed bag, funneling his diktat and accept his �facts� of Ethiopian history. Though his knowledge of history is limited as he innocently indicates by saying that he would not have been led to raise issues of history on which historians are better placed to enlighten us, Tseggai tries to �convince� us to swallow his interpretation of history without corroborating it on research findings or any related Ethiopian history books. We have already read his earlier history on the victory of Adwa and no one has ever objected or contested the astounding battle, which dislodged the Italian colonial intruders. This victory was not only a pride to Ethiopians, who shook the colonizers� aspirations to the grounds, but also gave inspiration to the colonized and enslaved people of the world to unite their forces and free themselves from the oppressive colonial yoke. However, criticizing Menelik in person for his failed policies does not mean that the yearly commemorations should be abandoned as if Menelik fought alone the war to liberate Ethiopia without rallying the Ethiopian people behind him. The most serious and dangerous formulations in this hatemonger is when he tries to �enlighten� �the Tigrigna speaking Ethiopians�, whom he believes are zealots without body and soul to be reminded of the victory in Adwa and warns against indoctrinations by the �demagogue� Prof. Tecola. What babble! �Lekebariw merdo� is the right message to our man of history. Firstly, the mountains of Adwa lie in Tigray, Ethiopia and secondly no one could ever have witnessed this historical event better than the people of Tigray. The whole army of more than 100,000 men with no ration of their own and their drag animals were nurtured and fed during their long trek to the battlefield and then after the victory the returnees, the wounded and the dead were taken care of, hospitalized and buried according to the religious creed. Even though 1896 was one of the most difficult years where shortage of food and drink was prevalent throughout Tigray, people were ready to share whatever was in their possession. 

The people�s indelible support in the form of surveillance of the enemy positions (such as people like Aw'alom)  and the total rally of the fighters as well as commanders (the whole Tigrai nobility including Ras Alula, Ras Mengesha, Ras Hagos, etc) to oust the occupation forces was crucial for the unity of the nation during that trying period for Ethiopia. Therefore, no one was happier than the �Tigrigna speaking Ethiopians� (Tseggai�s word used to show his utter contempt against this very Ethiopians) to have defeated the Italian army together with their compatriots. After all, the Tigrai Ethiopians and their Ethiopian brothers and sisters knowing the strategic importance of sea outlet fought against foreign intruders not only in Adwa but also in places such as Kufit, Gundet, Gurae, Dogali, etc. against the Egyptians and Italians. Tseggai�s attempt to mix up at sixes and sevens the victory in Adwa and Menelik�s Wuchale treaty of 1889, which led to this war and those other agreements entered in the consecutive years of 1900, 1902 and 1908 as part of the concessions (whether duress or not) with Italy have no relevance to the �Shewa-Tigray rivalry� and issue of ethnicity. If we are to discuss issues, concerned with the Eritrean problem in the year 2004, then there is no way of evading our Emperors� role in handing over or abandoning Ethiopian territories at the end of the 19th century. 

Tseggai contradicts himself by saying that �Menelik sacrificed a part of Ethiopian territory to save the independence of Ethiopia�, �Menelik acted in the best interest of Ethiopia by sacrificing a part of the Ethiopian territory� and �Regarding Ethiopia�s foreign relations, Menelik as governor of Shewa had acted irresponsibly�, while he contests those who questioned these irregularities from historical point of view to stay put and shut up. Is this the way democratic and intellectual debates and discussions are to be carried out in the year 2004? The antithesis of Tseggai�s findings lies in that Ethiopia was saved at the cost of Eritrea otherwise all European countries would have attacked us (based on plausible or possible approach and speculations) to how Eritrea belonged to Ethiopia 1991 and therefore the TPLF committed treason and not Menelik. I am always of the conviction that conclusions based on intuition and emotions without substantial research are disastrous to our intellect. I am of the opinion of discussing, rediscovering and critically analyzing in a civilized manner our past and present policy measures, substantiated by sound judgments and facts. The purpose of criticizing the role of Emperor Menelik is not meant to dehumanize him or degrade his contributions. But it can also give us clues on how absolute monarchs and dictators without the support of the Ethiopian people could and can betray the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ethiopia. The same is true about the renegade Meles, who without any say of the Ethiopian people concluded the handing over of Ethiopian territories both during his �transitional government� and immediately after the Ethio-Eritrean war. 

We can understand Tseggai�s platonic love for and glorification of Menelik, and he is entitled to it, and should be respected by every one of us. However, the irrefutable facts about Menelik speak for themselves and contain among others that he had 
� very close relationship with his long-term friend and advisor C. P. Antonneli, the Italian viceroy and spy; 
� carried on multiple correspondences with the sworn enemies of Ethiopia, which threatened her existence such as Khedive Ismail of Egypt and the Kings Vittorio Emanuele II and his son Umberto E. I of Italy;
� obtained thousands of Remington rifles, hundreds of thousands of bullets and lires from Italy;
� declared that if war was to be initiated by any part, i.e., between Ethiopia and Italy, he would not give any support to the �aggressor� and thereby gave his de-facto recognition to the Italian occupied territories near and around Mitswa;
� ignored the order of Emperor Yohannes to march on to Gondar by showing his disinterest to oust the invading Dervish army and save the historical city of Gonder and its surroundings before they were set on fire, while the Emperor was far from the area and ready to fight the Italians in Sehati;
� neither protested nor resisted the declaration of Eritrea as Italian colony. Instead, his viceroy Ras Mekonnen was in Italy to conclude different treaties between the remaining part of Ethiopia, Eritrea sacrificed (Tseggai�s word) and Italy as the new colonizer of the Red Sea region and lastly; and
� entered the Wuchale treaty already in May 1889 just 2 months after the death of Emperor Yohannes, which in principle recognized Italy as the only owner of this dispensable territory. (All the above points referred from the books of Tekle Tsadik Mekuria, Mamo Wudneh, C. P. Rosenfield, S. Rubensson)

Though many books on this subject are easily accessible, written by historians and others including those Ethiopians and foreigners cited above, it is possible that those writers might have created immense anguish to Menelikophils, who are eager to forget and conceal this period. Do we then have the temerity to call these respected history researchers traitors, betrayers, ethnocentrists, TPLFites, EPLFites, Amhara haters, etc.? The problem mainly lies in the name stereotype: Hagos, Berhe, Yibrah, Habtom, Abraha, etc. or Gemechu, Gudina, Gemmeda, Faissa, etc., leading to the automatical epithet tegentai (secessionist), ager afrash (anti-unity). On top of that, for the first time we read that unless you �deethnicize� yourself or make an apology for belonging to one of the ethnic groups (never mind if you don� speak the language of that ethnic group), you shouldn�t utter any word or for that part use your right of expression (even writing on your website). This is a tragic and evil mind-set and retrogression as well, which the Ethiopian people must fight tooth and nail in order to defend and protect the rights of individuals, irrespective of ethnicity, religion, political beliefs, gender, etc. Moreover, anyone without restrictions has the freedom to write and express his/her perception, opinion, ideas, thought, etc. on �sensitive topics�, important or trivial theme and modest or immense issues without slinging mud at someone as a Marxist-Leninist. Why do people shout then, when the EPRDF restricts the freedom of the press by the damned press law? This should serve as an advice for the so-called democrats to clear up the mess at their desk before taking the steps to others. McCarthyism and witch-hunt are to my knowledge obliterated long ago and should not be contemplated by anyone ascribing to the ideals of democracy. 

One interesting characteristic of apologists or revisionists is that they deny simple facts by trying to hide behind their �constructed facts� they claim as �convincing reality� during such and such period or by simply claiming to have firsthand interpretations on the course of history. This has been the case with the neo-nazis refuting the existence of the holocaust, the white supremacists trying to disprove that their mission to Africa or elsewhere was to educate and civilize the �primitives� or that of the slave-trade was for the benefit of Africa, or that of the lynching of African-Americans or the massacres of Red Indians in both continents had never taken place, both had low IQ and therefore they benefited from our education, etc. The same is true of the new �philosopher�s� approach by declaring that �humiliations and exploitation were everywhere in Ethiopia� �the problem was simply they were forgotten� �problems of mal-integration was the work of the monarchy and not of the Amhara� and then contradicts himself by taking an example, which reads �if head counting were our only guide, there is no doubt that the Menelikian and Haileselassie regimes were dominated by people from the Shewa province�. Nauseating as well as brilliant observation altogether! If we were to draw this analogy to Russia, the Russians never subjugated the different nationalities, it was the Tsar, the Japanese never ruled the Chinese, it was the Emperor, the Europeans never colonized the countries, it was their respective Kings or Presidents, it was the President of the Sudan and not the Sudanese Arabs, who are the cause of trouble in Darfur and South Sudan, and so on and so forth. Reasoning in this simplistic manner would never have created any problem among the oppressed masses and the oppressors. Dear one! Longing for a dynamic change in any part of the world, is not only ascribed to the economic conditions of one or the other dominating people, but is also based on the socio-political relationships of the oppressed demanding per se justice in an illicit structure and system. 

The whole ideological base of a central power benefiting a certain group, not allowing the rest of the citizens to participate either through neglect, maltreatment, malintegration (as if it was their fault not to be integrated), or by being forgetful of their existence, is therefore doomed to collapse. It was just these relations among the Ethiopian peoples, a central power securing Amhara domination and supremacy (Note: Amharas were also oppressed) on the one hand and marginalizing the majority on the other, which led to constant conflicts and fights for many years. Had we not had problems of social, political, and economic suppression, Ethiopia would have been by this time a paradise on Earth. Aspiring for Japanese miracles without the necessary requirements and analyses of the then prevailing conditions, the oppressive measures taken by Menelik and Haile Selassie, the handing-over of Eritrea and the solutions sought, is utter sophistry. Let�s try to be realistic and recognize simple facts. It might seem unpleasant or pejorative to use the word Amhara domination in the first place for those modern generations, who don�t have any association with the oppressive measures taken against the vast majority of the Ethiopian people and there is no offence in it to write in relation to Ethiopian history. Unfortunately there are still people wallowing in this dirt by disseminating hate-propaganda filled with avarice, or making intrigues in the hierarchies trying to �deethincize� or �re-establsih the old order.� To go back to square one is a bogus attempt of those who are out of reality and it is in their best interest to accommodate their countrymen as a gesture of reconciliation and build up strong civic, social, political organizations, lobbies, and parties. 

I have no intention of digging up old rancor and horrific experiences of how Ethiopia treated its own sons and daughters during her long existence. What we need, especially at this moment, is to build up the nation so that all ethnicities (more than seventy five in number as stated by the respected lawyer to �deethnicize� themselves) and individuals have their basic rights fulfilled. Ethnophobia is the worst curse for someone intending to live in a multiethnic country as Ethiopia is. Ethiopia, which is the cradle of human civilizations, has the unique position in the world as being the mosaic of different ethnicities, made up of diverse cultures, languages and livelihood. Ethiopia�s wealth and future prosperity depends on its diversity. It is her diversity in unity and unity in diversity, which we have to defend through equal distribution of wealth, genuine support and respect for each other�s cultural identities. Apart from these steps, trying to impose dominance to reintroduce the old way of governance would be tantamount to total failure. A person, determined to compel his own will by not recognizing or trying to limit the basic rights of the majority of the people of Ethiopia, should ask himself if he can make a difference at all. 

Had there been a political atmosphere without harassment, killings, tortures and imprisonments during the Derg�s socialist experiment in Ethiopia and the obvious inequalities among the various nationalities, no one would have taken to arms to fight the iniquitous Mengistu and his system. The Oromos, Tigrians, Amaras, Afars, Somalis, Sidamas, etc. didn�t fight for adventurism or revolutionary romanticism. They fought persistently against the Soviet-backed Mengistu regime, which terrorized the Ethiopian people before, during and after the red terror-campaign. It is our brothers and sisters who died in thousands in an internecine war, a war, which claimed hundreds of thousands of people including the peasant youths (expressed with derision by Tseggai) to be equals in a country, which forgot their basic human values and rights. There were thousands and thousands of our bright and hardworking men and women, who perished and a great deal of our human capital, which disappeared in the form of exile. But, no one can ever deny that, their heroic deeds and martyrdom to do away with the dictator was one of the great achievements in the history of Ethiopia (even if that means a permanent headache to ex-privileged collaborators and no need to dig into their backgrounds). 

It was also inevitable that the Derg or for that matter the TPLF/EPRDF regimes couldn�t/cannot stand the rage of the people when the democratic and human rights were/are violated. I wouldn�t like to dwell on the humiliations and veritable massacres, which the chiefs and kings of Southern Ethiopia went through, such as Tako Gaki Sherocho of Kaffa, Kumsa Moroda of Nekemte, Abba Jiffar of Jimma, Emir Abdullahi of Harar, Kawa Tona of Walayita, Suffa Kuso and Dama Usu of Arsi, etc. had suffered. (Ethiopian history, Bahru Zewdie). The arson in Mekelle, rape, and men with their genitals cut of, killings and pillages carried out in the presence of Emperor Menelik as witnessed and written by one of the retinues of Ras Mekonnen to Italy (Ethiopian history 1899, Debtera Fesseha Giorgis Abyezgi) are accounts not to be dismissed so lightly. Maybe this code of communication among the Emperor�s armed men might be enough to make my points clear on that very sad and disturbing epoch in Ethiopian history.
Who are you? (Ante Yemaneh?)
Yedagnew (The name of the Emperor�s horse)
What did Dagnew say? (Dagnew min alle?)
Cut his genitals of (Slebew alle). (Atse Yohannes, Tekle Tsadik Mekuria)
Suffice to note that similar incidences of atrocities abound the predecessors of Menelik, i.e., the regimes of Haile Selassie, the Derg and the TPLF/EPRDF.

Lastly, I would like to advice Tseggai that whenever he writes citations, not to cite fragments of a statement out of context of the book with one or two sentences in which their context to the written material are not related. This was the legacy of Ethiopia during the 60s to 80s trying to give the impression that one reads a whole range of books and seems to understand or master them. Fragments say nothing if they are not placed in their right content and form within the subject matter discussed. Secondly, it is a tradition in the academic world to have the references clearly noted for those who intend to read more about this subject. Tseggai�s hatred of Marxist philosophy (by the way for his information, the labor and social democratic parties in the West have their root and the philosophy and economic departments throughout the world, covering the main parts of philosophy, social history and economics on Marxism) has disarmed him from developing his Manichean theory (without substantial content and sense-making), in which dualism as a doctrine of two opposing elements and the system in which it rests should have been fully contested by materialist theory. As a proponent of the Manichean theory, he should have described more deeply on how and why he deduced the �conclusion� and the content should have been adduced by facts instead of being the usual jargon one is used to read. Marxist philosophy gives elaborations in diverse fields such as ethics, ontology, epistemology, aesthetics, etc. Therefore, sheer curiosity for a highly educated person whether within or outside his subject matter might have widened Tseggai�s enlightenment, tolerance, civility and maturity. 

The problem with either the Derg or the MLLT was that in order to stick to their authoritarian rule and subdue people, they interpreted their own versions of �Ethiopian socialism� or �Albanian socialism� without the slightest conception of the difficult-to-learn-understand foreign ideology compatible with the society. Mengistu (the Lenin of Africa) declared after 16 years of trial that it was the fault of the intellectuals around him, who made him adopt Marxism-Leninism, while Meles (the Lenin of the TPLF/EPRDF) totally denied that he was ascribed to Stalinism when confronted before the world press in London. This is the way that the brain of power mongers work and we should instead devote our time to expose how unfit, unstable and dangerous they are in the highest office of the country. 

Though I may have dissenting views on some of the papers written by Prof. Tecola Hagos, it has always been a pleasure for me and others to read the passionate, well structured, and meticulously researched work on issues relevant to the world in general and Ethiopia in particular. No matter what we may say is his defects, this is one man of passion and humane concern who has tried in numerous books and articles to focus our attention on problems of modernization, on the evil of the neglect of most of the regions and people in Ethiopia to the exclusive devotion to a particular area, the divisiveness of elitism, and above all a voice of renewed faith in the greatness of being an Ethiopian. Now and then there can come up people with crude methods and misbegotten plans to discredit others, who are actively engaged in the political life of our country. But, what I would like to advice Prof. Tecola is that there will always be whippersnappers and detractors. Your contribution to the cause of Ethiopia is far from simple squabbles, demanding a lot of work, scrutiny and concentration. Therefore, I hope you keep up with the good work and wish you good luck.


August 2004