TPLF�s Outlook on Eritrea and Distortions of Ethiopian History

PART IV

TPLF�s Outlook on Eritrea and Distortions of Ethiopian History

BACKGROUND

There is no question that has preoccupied the TPLF since its inception in Feb. 1975, even to the extent of liquidating opponents and people with alternative views, more than the �Eritrean colonial question� and its �lasting solution�. The TPLF by providing full independence to Eritrea without say from the Ethiopian people and by its all-out recognition and full support of Eritrea, is the only organization known in the history of Ethiopia to have willingly and stupendously committed the crime of disintegrating the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ethiopia. Since usurping state power in May 1991, TPLF�s advocacy for Eritrea has fomented increased anger, ill feeling and indignation among the Ethiopian people. No one is unhappy about getting rid of the Eritrean nuisance and menace once for all. The fascistic nature of the organizations and the present government, it is well understood that their programs and deeds would never have led to mutual understandings and common benefits for both peoples. But the way it was haphazardly and adventurously handled by the TPLF taking up the cudgels for Eritrean independence without looking into the overall national interest of Ethiopia is a betrayal of the highest degree.

The history of Ethiopia has been manipulated and distorted as to fit into the fragmentary �scientific historical description� of the TPLF so that separatists and narrow-minded organizations would be free to secede. The Ethiopia of their creation is a country without binding denominators of a common history and culture. For the TPLF, no Ethiopia, no culture, no unity, no history, no kings or kingdoms, etc. has ever existed in this lovely home of the human ancestry. Obliterate what was the history of yesteryears and fantasize new dogmas were and are still the bluff of this eerie creatures. Ever since this group came to power, it has been dogged by misfortunes. Dismissal of its fighters and the professional army, internal cracks, suppression of fundamental democratic rights, religious or political riots, hunger, misery, poverty, diseases, levity and adamant to views and pleas, affront, moral degeneration, corruption, cataclysmic wars, etc. have become its defining characteristics, which will eventually lead to its final crack and replacement by a just system. The TPLF leadership, whether old or new, dead or alive, purged or active, imprisoned or free is all in the same boat, responsible for the tragedies and the present impasse in which Ethiopia is dragged into. The TPLF leadership has committed itself to the Eritrean issue not because of its blubber of a principled stand but due to its anti-Ethiopian stand. Let�s concatenate on how the TPLF came into being with its historical �understanding�, propaganda, deeds, and its celestial joy of finding a panacea to the Eritrean problem and corroborate it with facts from its own-recorded history. TPLF�s incompetence to resolve problems in connection with the Eritrean issue is of special interest in understanding this group, which in the name of Tigreans in particular and Ethiopians in general has been manipulating the history of Ethiopia for the last the last 28 years. The genesis of all the crises in today�s Ethiopia is a result of the deliberate stand taken by the leadership of the TPLF to dismantle the country without a common heritage and expose it to its eternal enemies.

The beginning of the armed struggle

The history of the TPLF begins in student movements both before and after the military take-over in 1974. The Organization of Progressive Tigreans (OPT) rallied on a common line to struggle against oppression in the Empire state of Ethiopia, finally deciding to wage its armed insurrection against the military government in Feb. 18, 1975. It was the call of the day during those times to join hands and fight against the injustice and repressions in many nationalities and provinces of Ethiopia, such as Tigrai, Oromo, Afar, Ogaden, etc. Though there were multinational organizations and parties during the immediate ascendancy of the Derg to power, no one of them had a clear vision on how to join forces and solve the issues of nationalities. The multinational group, largely composed of one or more dominating ethnic groups, had also different approaches toward the military government. The Meison (represented by Oromos and Amharas) advocated close cooperation with the Derg, while the EPRP (represented by Amharas and Tigreans) opted for armed struggle with an urban-based guerrilla. The repressive system of the Derg with mass arrests, torture, killings and banning of the fundamental rights of human rights not only scared many but also increased the glow of nationalist fervor among the youth, who started joining the battle areas. There were many who joined these nationalist and multinationalist organizations, genuinely convinced and determined to overthrow the military dictatorship and replace it with a just and democratic system. This was why many people in Oromo, Amhara, Afar, Tigrai, and many other places suffered and became victims of the Derg�s reign of terror. People, slain and butchered by the notorious killing squads of the Derg lying at the front doors and streets were terrible testimonies. But the Derg or previous governments of Ethiopia had one common trait, i.e., never to bargain on the national interest of Ethiopia.

The conditions at the outset of 1974 therefore, laid a foundation for the national struggle in Tigrai. A small group went to Dedebit, while the majority of 20 men were in Eritrea for military and political training by the cadres of the EPLF. Brainwashed by historical lessons according to the EPLF�s distorted and falsified views, these 20 men with 20 donated automatic and semiautomatic rifles joined the group in Tigrai. Excepting the blood connections of some of the leaders to Eritrea, two EPLF fighters, Mussie and Yemane (a ka Jamaica) were among the first dispatches of that organization to be directly involved in the everyday work of the TPLF. In this initial phase of the struggle, Meles who would have been among the first trainees was said to have been scared by the sound of gunfire and was hidden in Asmara[1] or was found by his comrades playing billiard in Senafe[2]. The first plot of unmaking Tigrai Ethiopian was authored by the anti-Ethiopian group who are now at the helm of power by declaring Tigrai an independent democratic republic in the inglorious manifesto of 1976. The secessionist policy forwarded by this group of leaders was in fact in line with the policy followed by the EPLF, describing a quasi-colonial status to the question of Tigrai and its final resolution.

TPLF�s stand on the Eritrean question and manipulation of history

The influence of the EPLF and its hate against the central governments of Ethiopia was thoroughly clear in the propaganda leaflets of the TPLF. The TPLF in almost all its activities acted as a surrogate and spokesperson to the Eritrean question. Official party program of the TPLF as far back as March 2, 1978 declares;

1. Eritrea is under the colonial rule of Ethiopia. Thus, the Eritrean question is colonial.

2. The TPLF fully supports the struggle of the Eritrean people against the colonial rule of Ethiopia.

3. The TPLF condemns the repression of the Eritrean people by the fascist government of Ethiopia.

4. We endeavor to work together for cementing the revolutions in Tigrai and Eritrea.

Based on this program, the TPLF tried to analyze and develop a new theory of colonial question, tailor-made for the Eritrean issue. Although there are similar materials published during the TPLF's struggle for self-determination and Eritrea's independence, let me concentrate on some of the papers, written by the TPLF and the book authored by Meles "The Eritrean people's struggle from where to where", April 1986.

"Eritrea is situated in the strategic region of the Red Sea and has been a target for colonial powers. Based on these circumstances, Eritrea starting from the 16th century onwards was occupied by the Turks and then by the Egyptians. After the Egyptians, Italy was the power that controlled the whole of Eritrea. Italian imperialism administered Eritrea from 1890 till 1941. When Italy was defeated during the Second World War, Eritrea was occupied by British imperialism during the period 1941-1952. The country, which after the British colonized was Ethiopia. Ethiopian colonialism is a new kind of colonialism, created after the fall of western colonialism. It is obvious that the western colonial powers by pretentiously granting independence to countries in Asia and Africa changed their tactics of oppression and exploitation after the Second World War by subjecting these countries to a neocolonialist rule. Imperialism by denying independence to some countries so that its interests are fully implemented, wanted its puppet to take control of Eritrea. A plot by the US and British imperialists under the name of �federation� and the UN�s consent enabled Ethiopia to colonize Eritrea. There is no doubt that Eritreans have been waging their struggles against all kinds colonialists, Turks, Egyptians, Italians and then British. Now the struggle against Ethiopian colonialism is a continuation for the independence of Eritrea. After a series of setbacks due to the reactionary movement in the beginning of the struggle, progressive and democratic forces have now got the upper hand in Eritrea. Though the Amhara government, supported by zionists and imperialists wants to suppress the just cause of the Eritrean struggle, they will never stop it from achieving its independence. The Eritrean revolution as a legitimate and popular revolution is exemplary to all oppressed people in the region.� Revolt, No. 2, Sept. 1978.

In another leaflet, People's Voice, No. 7, Jan. 1978, the history of Eritrea goes as far back as to the Axumite kingdom and says �The rulers of Amhara and their followers have been trumpeting different lies about �the continued existence of Ethiopia down from the Axumite kingdom�, �Eritrea as part of Ethiopia, Ethiopia as the mother of Eritrea, etc.� This is completely without reality and objectivity, intended mainly by Haileselassie and Derg to mislead people and justify their rule. We have to use scientific analysis as our prime duty in order to expose and fight these reactionaries, expansionists and chauvinists. Let�s give an example on how this propaganda is useless when considering the Roman Empire, which ruled France, Germany, England and even Jerusalem. Could it be possible now for the Italian government to claim back France, because Italy was the mother of France? Wonders! But now we know that the present government in Italy has no connection with the Roman Empire and both countries are independent. No continuity observed by the TPLF historian except few lines about the Axumite Kingdom and a sporadic leap into the 15th century and Theodro in the 18th century. For example, it is asserted that missionaries who came to visit King Dawit III (1507-1540) told him that by crossing Tigrai, there was a place called Medre Bahri. Theodros, who wanted to unite the disintegrated territories didn�t make it through to the seashore. According to written history, Emperor Yohannes, who wanted trade exchange with the outside world thanks to the new route through the Suez Canal and by the help of Ras Alulas army�s invasion of the lowlands and Dogali, had great problems even to control such areas as Hamassien.�

�The Eritrean question seen from its historical, legal and politico-economic perspectives and analysis is not different from other African or world-wide just struggles for independence. It is a just and colonial struggle. Ethiopian history with its central government is not more than hundred years. It all starts from Menelik.

The United Nations without consulting the Eritrean people forced the Eritrean people to unite into an arrangement of a federal system with Ethiopia. The "federation" was concluded under the UN's mandate and cannot be amended as a simple internal affair by Ethiopia. Therefore, the question of Eritrea from its legal point of view is a colonial occupation and defense against it. It is a question of a legitimate colonial and independence struggle. It is impossible to reach the ultimate goal of democratic revolution without proletarian dictatorship. In order to have a proletarian dictatorship in a democratic revolution, there should also be a strong worker's party. Therefore, the colonial struggle in Eritrea in order to fulfill the interests of the mass must not only have a democratic organization but also needs a worker's party. The fronts that are fighting for Eritrea are only nationalists. Even though they have this simple stand, the relations of democratic organizations in Ethiopia with the Eritrean fronts should be based on support and unity.� In the book entitled "The Eritrean people's struggle from where to where", April 1986 and authored by Meles.

This is the replica of the Eritrean history, re-echoing the EPLF�s (see PART III) stand but written and even improved by the TPLF to the extent of assisting the liberation of Eritrea while it totally ruins the history of our ancestral home. It is a clear humiliation of a great country we all love and respect. Moreover, it clearly shows an affidavit to fight tooth and nail together with the separatists for the independence of Eritrea. Perfidious as they are, these know-it-all historians of the TPLF do not even mention the enormous sacrifice paid by our forefathers to defeat the intruders, such as the Turks, Dervish, Egyptians and Italians (see Part I) and liberate our land. They have even gone further than the EPLF by declaring Ras Alula as an invader with no control of the Mereb Melash, whose cultural, historical, economic and social contacts were intimately interlinked with the rest of Ethiopia. The disregard for the sacrifice paid by our people and armies confronting well-armed and organized enemies in order to preserve the territorial integrity of the country, shows the total contempt this organization had and still has for the freedom-loving people of Ethiopia. Ethiopia, being disparaged to only 100 years old history, shows how these disreputable persons and mountebanks from the early start of their struggle were bent on destroying advisedly and systematically the psychological make-up of the people. Manipulation of Ethiopian history was one of the moves to dismantle the country and satisfy their EPLF masters. Their grotesque talk of the �scientific� example in terms of the Roman Empire in comparison to Ethiopia not only shows their bogus attempt to redefine the existence of Ethiopia in order to please the Eritrean separatists, but also confirms their abysmal ignorance or duplicity as to renounce the course of historical events, prevailing in two entirely different epochs, locations and cultures. The fall of the Roman Empire (476 AD), which covered vast landmasses and seas in Europe and Northern Africa, was about 400 years earlier than the Axumite Empire. Covering an area with hundreds of cultures and languages often with competing tribes was untenable to hold together the crumbling empire, resulting in internal feuds, revolts and invasions. The intercultural relations of the people within the Axumite Empire were not comparable to the Roman Empire. Although Axum�s fall can have problems of multifaceted character, the main reason given was the internal revolt by Yodit Gudit, resulting in the overthrow of the sovereign ruler, Anbessa Wudim. In face of the widespread bloodbath, thousands of inhabitants of Axum moved southwards, where priests and monks are believed to settle in the islands of Zwai, stemming from this tragic episode by bringing with them the tabot (Ark of the Covenant) 3 4. There has always been a movement and intermingling of people without tribal or ethnic connotation. Therefore, today�s Ethiopia could not be totally insulated to one or another ethnic group, dominating the scene of Ethiopian body politics but has always embraced an amalgamation of the peoples living within its territories for thousands of years. D. N. Levin5 ^{mentions the regime shift of 1991, which catapulted into power an elite with a dim view of historic Ethiopia and its dismemberment as Africa�s oldest nation. Furthermore, he writes that from earliest times, the symbolism of Ethiopian statehood could mobilize members of diverse ethnic groups and regions on behalf of their national homeland.}

During the 15th century, when the TPLF historian fabricates about the king, the Portuguese army that came to help Emperor Gelawdewos fight against Gragn, was ceremoniously received by the governor of Medre Bahri called Baher Negash Yisshak in July 1541. We have at the same time a historical record, saying that the Emperor who ruled Ethiopia before Gelawdewos was his father Emperor Libne Dingil (1508-1540)3 not the fictitious King Dawit III. Dawit III, according to the Royal chronicles was a ruler during 1716-1721, i.e., 200 years after the TPLF�s time record. The fight against Gragn was not only the work of an Amhara king but was a large-scale war involving forces recruited from Dembya, Gojjam, Begemidr, Lasta, Tigrai and Hamasien3. Ras Suhul Michael (1730-1780) was a ruler of the provinces of Tigrai and Medre Bahri for 40 years and over Ethiopia as a de facto ruler for another 10 years. Emperor Tewodros never needed and bothered to set foot on Medre Bahri, because his viceroys in these areas were not contending his power-base as they did in other places. In fact, the largest portion of state revenue came from these regions. It amounted to an annual income of 200,000 Maria Theresa thalers, of which 35,0000 thalers was paid by Dejazmatch Baryaw Paulos (governor of northern part of Tigray), married to the daughter of Tewodros, about 32,000 thalers came from Dejazmatch Hialu Tewolde-Medhin (governor of Hamassien and Seraye) and about 17,000 thalers came from Basha Gebre Egzi of Akele Guzay.6

History for the TPLF is simply a paper tiger with no value and no use. It is only a hotchpotch written to satisfy emperors, kings and feudals by obsequious Amhara history writers. History as a collective driving force and as a mirror image of yesterday and today, its interchangeability, its impetus in nation making and its educative role in unity has a tremendous impact on the coming generations of Ethiopians. Ethiopia being devoid of its history, just for the sake of Eritrean independence and in contrivance to satisfy one�s own fight against oppression, can only be considered as an atrocious war waged by an insidious enemy to both expose the country to an external adversary and strip it of the common heritage of a unified country. A whole range of historically authentic accounts in books, evidences and chronicles is of interest, especially for those who say that they represent the country, but lack the elementary knowledge on how the Medre Bahri (Mereb Melash) was part and parcel of Ethiopia. It is part of the strategy of the TPLF leadership to continue with its irreverence of the Ethiopian people and history, lambaste and unleash scurrilous attacks upon Ethiopians for being chauvinists, reactionaries, conservatives, irredentists, etc., so that its magnanimous attitude and sympathy to the Eritrean cause and Eritrea would continue unabated.

[1] ^{Tesfay Atsbeha (Cento) and Kahsay Berhe, Two groups of the TPLF and Two issues of Ethiopia}

[2] ^{Witness by Aregawi Berhe, Ex-Military Commander of the TPLF}

3 ^{Belai Giday, Ethiopian Civilization, Addis Ababa, Dec. 1992}

4 Graham Hancock, The Sign and the Seal, The quest of the lost Covenant, Crown Publishers, 1992.

5 ^{D. N. Levin, Reconfiguring the Ethiopian nation in a global era, Aug. 19, 2003.}

6 ^{Bahru Zewde, History of Modern Ethiopia 1855-1974, Addis Ababa Ubiversity Press, 1991.}