The
Paradigm of Self-Preservation: Ethiopia Coming up for Air.
By
Dr. Tecola W. Hagos
[Speech
delivered at the conference on the Ethiopia/Eritrea Boundary
Commission and on the Sovereignty and the territorial integrity of
Ethiopia, organized by the Ethiopian Solidarity in Seattle on 16
February 2002.]
My fellow Ethiopians, I am very happy to be here in Seattle with
you at this trying time in our history. I specially want to thank
members of the Ethiopian Solidarity in Seattle who organized this
historic conference. This
is both a time of great tragedy, risk, and a time of solidarity.
It is also a defining moment for all of us. We are standing
shoulder to shoulder at the very juncture where our past is facing
up to our destiny. Fear not, my sisters and brothers; remember
this is the same route our ancestors traversed again and again
fighting and winning against Egyptians, Turks, Italians, British
soldiers and mercenaries of every description. We are not
strangers to dangerous neighbors and biting dogs. Our present
enemies have set vicious traps camouflaged in legalese and
political niceties. You may feel overwhelmed with the enormity of
the obstacle we must overcome. We have no choice in that�we must
win, we have to; after all, we are Ethiopians. Today I feel very
grateful for the chance you have given me to address you. I am
particularly honored to share this forum with Professor Haile
Mariam Larebo, a distinguished scholar who has been enlightening
us about our history and the monumental injustice that the world
is designing on us.
History
is the backbone of politics. Do not listen to individuals who try
to undermine the role of history in human social development,
usually such individuals do not have a history of their own and
suffer from enormous inferiority complex. We do not have such
complex. We know who we are. And we need not prove anything for
any body about our history, what is important is that we know our
history.
I.
Ethiopia and its place in History
A
Sumer legend narrates: � �What became of the People of Sumer?�
the traveler asked the old man, �For ancient records show that
the people of Sumer were Black, What happened to them?�
�Ah,� the old man sighed, �they lost their history, so they
died.� � This quotation, though too dramatic, tells us about
the importance of history. Especially in a legal regime
(international law) that draws its norms and principles to a
significant extent from the conduct of states, the significance of
history is quite obvious. Thus, I emphasize the proper use of
history in our discussion of international law and practices in
connection with Ethiopia and Eritrea. Especially, I want to
impress on all people that Ethiopian history is not something to
sneer at. It is up there among the ranks of a handful of the
greatest civilizations in all of human history.
I
see often people from Africa, the Americas, and Asia building
great edifices of history out of their colonial past. Whereas,
Ethiopian history is the genuine item, a great heritage to all the
people of the region. This fabulous history, probably one of the
greatest civilizations of the world, is discounted or marginalized
by the present erratic leaders of both Ethiopia and Eritrea as if
Ethiopian history is some form of myth or fiction created by some
western historians or reporters in the last few decades. In truth,
there are only a couple of nations in the world with a history of
such great antiquity and great human beginning as Ethiopia. All
one has to do is reach for the great classics like Ethiopis,
Gibbon, Heisod, Herodotus, Homer, Strabo, et cetera and read and
marvel how the ancients valued and respected Ethiopians. There are
contentions that the reference to Ethiopia or Ethiopians by
ancient sources is a general reference to all dark skinned people.
That is not true, the ancient authors knew exactly whom they were
writing about even if they had some difficulties describing the
specific geographic areas.
The
preeminence of Ethiopians was so great in the ancient world that a
whole Continent was identified sometimes as Ethiopia, in the
manner, for example, �America� could mean either the Continent
of North America or the United States. The great ancient
geographer, Strabo makes a distinction between Ethiopians,
Nubians, and other black folks.
Ancient map-makers would designate, usually in larger
alphabets, an entire region or ocean as �Aethiopia� and would
further inscribe localities with local names of geographic areas
or names of tribes, such as �Habash�, �Axume�, �Beja�,
�Amara�, �Galla�, �Nubia� et cetera. If there is
confusion and mislabeling it is a matter of lack of precise
knowledge and skill at making maps rather than out-and-out
falsehood. Thus, one must not assume an absolute conclusion based
on such designations of ancient mapmakers. Both descriptions by
travelers and historians of a certain people, place, government
structure et cetera, and the effort of ancient mapmakers should be
considered as approximations and need be subjected to comparative
constructions with absolutely known factors as guides.
Most
historians involved in writing Ethiopian history tend to start
Ethiopian history with the establishment of the Axumite Empire,
but that amounted to setting arbitrary limit. There was a history
of the Ethiopian people long before the Axumite period, maybe even
predating all pre-historic centers considered to be at the dawn of
civilizations) around the world. The area that now comprises
Ethiopia and Eritrea was part of the Axumite Empire from about 100
BC, the core nation around which the modern day Ethiopia was
built. There are claims that a parallel city-state centered at
Yeha flourished during the time Axum was in domination, in trying
to prove two distinct national origins for Ethiopia and Eritrea
respectively. However, that form of conclusion is not warranted
since Yeha and other settlements in the area pre-dated Axum.
Eritrea is only a Twentieth Century construction born out of land
ceded by treaty from the great Empire of Ethiopia to Italy in
1889.
There
are numerous historical documents and references in regard to the
extent of the power and dominion of the Axumite Empire. Even more
important is the demographic and linguistic map of the region. In
terms of language, there is no difference except some slight
dialect (variation) between the Tigre and Tygregna speakers. The
religion, dress, food, music, in short the culture of the people
in Tygrai (in the present day Ethiopia), Hamassen, Akale-Guzai,
and Serie (in present-day Eritrea) are almost identical. No other
culture or language in the area is as closely related as the
language and culture of these groups of people that one can
rightly designate all as a variation of a single culture. And
further south the Amhara population of Gondar and Semien, Gojjam,
Shoa, and Wollo share most of the culture and religion of the
Northern people. Moreover, almost all spoken languages in Ethiopia
belong to the main Afro-Asiatic language group.
For
example, a far more interesting claim about the demography of the
Axumite Empire and that of �Eritrea� is offered by a recent
work by Abba Isaak Ghebreyesus. What Abba Isaak is claiming is
that Eritrea is peopled by one of the three �Cam� Kushit
tribes, and the Arab migration into the area is insignificant. The
other two Kushit tribes are settled in Agew Meder (Ethiopia) and
Somaliland. [Abba Isaak Gehebreyesus, Mereni�s People,
Origins of Geshinashim� trans. Daniel Tesfay.] The problem
with that thesis is how to account for the huge Semitic language
population groups starting from Eritrea in the North and all the
way to the Gurages in the South, in the heartland of the Second
�Cam� Kushit group.The inscriptions left by Aezanas, who
reigned from AD 325-360, recounting the exploits of one of
his expeditions under his two brothers against the
rebellious Beja, "strikes a strong note of humanity and
self‑righteousness as the King recounts in detail how these
prisoners were treated." In fact, at one point, historians
did designate this African civilization as one of the three major
powers of the World along with the Romans, and the Persian
empires.
The
name Eritrea was derived from the Greek word �Eyretria�
meaning �red� a reference by the Greeks to the reddish tint of
the Red Sea, and later designated by extension to the coastal
territories of the Ethiopian Empire by historical writers and
travelers. There never was a unitary territory called
�Eritrea� or by any other name that remotely corresponded to
the geographic area of Eritrea of our time. The Eritrea of our
time is a purely colonial construct of the Italians (of 1890) from
the time the Italian government succeeded in purchasing in a
simple commercial transaction a piece of land from an Italian
citizen who had purchased the property earlier from a local chief
of the coastal Afar territories. This beachhead was the launching
forum for all the problems that we suffered over a century.
The
Axumite Empire was a sea-faring power with merchant fleets sailing
from its ports of Adulis and Zeila up and down the Red Sea and the
coastal waters of the Indian Ocean. The Axumite Empire itself is a
later development in the area. Settled life started further down
south about 200 miles in the Agew highlands six to seven thousand
years ago, which predates the Pharonic civilization for thousands
of years. Nevertheless, the people of the Pharonic civilization
claimed that their origin was from that part of Ethiopia.
As
part of the Axumite Empire, every sub-group (such as Eritrea)
comprised of different people with their own distinct cultural and
political identities. The people who are to be found in the
present Eritrea were mainly the same people who inhabited the area
during Axumite dominion, they were in the main the Kunamas, Ben
Amirs, Bejas, Afars, and the Axumite highlanders. The Axumites
were mixed people who settled the area from earlier migrations
from the South seems to have extended across the Arabian Peninsula
to ancient Sumer, and in a latter reverse migration from across
the Arabian Peninsula and even from as far as India. As often
pointed out by historians and travelers Ethiopia consists of a
mosaic of colorful people each as beautiful and intriguing as the
next.
Christianity
that was introduced into Ethiopia (Eritrea) during Aezana reign
was one extremely significant factor that was the glue that helped
maintain a national identity for Ethiopians with fully developed
social, political, and economic structure. In spite of the
incessant battles and wars of expansion and often defense that
almost every Ethiopian emperor or king conducted against the
British, Ottoman Turks, Egyptians, Italians (of late), Ethiopia is
the only nation in Africa, maybe even in the World, that
maintained an uninterrupted existence as a free, independent,
sovereign nation for all of recorded history well over at least
five thousand years, except for a brief period of five years
(1931-1935) where its government center was occupied by Italian
forces. Even then during that brief occupation more than 80%
percent of the land and the people were still under the control of
Ethiopian resistance structures.
We
also had our reverses and misfortunes. We have suffered not only
natural disasters but also man- made destructions over and over
throughout our existence. Under the influence of the Mehale
Sefaries, Ethiopian politics entered a chaotic, unpredictable
state leading to social breakup, and the rise of bureaucratic
corruption and societal moral decay.
This monumental transfer of the power base, and as a result
the very heroic and chivalrous traditional base of the society
that was manifestly in its aristocratic refinement was gone. We
inherited instead mediocrity, poverty, small-time tyranny et
cetera, since the end of the 13th Century down to our own time.
I
recited here a very brief history of Ethiopia and its
people for a purpose�to get you focused on our famous identity.
Historians have wondered why and how Ethiopia with its
isolationist governments, relatively underdeveloped economy,
constant infighting between its princes and warlords et cetera
stubbornly persisted to survive as a free nation century after
century despite great adversities. For non-Ethiopians it might be
extremely hard to understand the depth and complexity of organized
social life in Ethiopia. The secret for such longevity is
deeply buried within the Orthodox Christian value system of the
people of Ethiopia, which predated the Islamic influence and
massive forced conversion during Gran Mohammed�s twelve years of
destruction.
II. The Paradigm
of Self-Preservation
We
have now a world with a single Super Power. The matrix of earlier
relationships of all the nations of the world has completely
changed with a single Super Power pulling most of the strings of
power and influence. A word of caution is appropriate here. It is
very easy to cast the relationship between the United States and
the rest of the world as hierarchical and of utter domination. The
reality on the ground is far more complex than that. It is a fact
that the United States is exceedingly becoming a true miniature
reflection of the world at large, a kind of a world within a
world. The people living in the United States represent a rich
diversity of ethnicity, culture, and socio-economic background. As
a matter of necessity the officials of the United States
government must be sensitive to events taking place in other parts
of the world, often places of origins of such officials.
Thus,
it is simply a matter of logic to conclude that the United States,
as a unit, is far less partial or divisive than earlier powers of
the world that tended to be homogenous in their demography. The
population profile of the United States shows great diversity,
with people hailing from every corner of the world. This leads me
to conclude that when the United States makes a decision its
decision as of necessity takes into account the needs of its
entire people, which translate in existential terms as a decision
far more inclusive than sectarian, and more universalistic than
relativistic. This state of affairs is encouraging to us since we
are also part of that rich tapestries of humanity represented in
the demography of the United States. As a people we share more
fundamental values with the people of the United States more than
anybody else. We are a highly moral people, who had practiced
religious tolerance long before the reformation movement, unheard
of in the rest of the world until very recently. We are rugged
individualists, but compassionate. Our sense of justice will not
allow us to inflict pain or punishment on anyone by collectively
blaming groups for the mistake of one or few. We are spiritual
people with tremendous faith in God�s compassion and mercy.
These and similar other shared values are our best features that
may endeafsr us with all fair-minded people around us.
By
looking at our problems as sets of paradigms rather than as a
single Hegelian developmental process, we may be able to make
several objective choices. This may free us from being in a
formalistic straitjacket, and at the same time we may be able to
shake off the encumbrance of both dialectical reasoning and
rationalism of the enlightenment period. Since a paradigm has
nothing to do with increasing our absolute knowledge, we may be
able to consider a wide range of possibilities without the added
difficulties of achieving or seeking perfection in an inherently
flawed human endeavor.
Paradigm
One:
Issaias
Afwerki offers the United States government port and inland
extensive military facility. The Ethiopian Afar region is deemed to
be part of Eritrea. Ethiopia is a landlocked country. Saudi Arabia
has overthrown the Saud family and fundamental Muslims are
controlling the government of Saudi Arabia. Members of the Muslim
Brotherhood, a fanatical fundamentalist radical group, rule Egypt.
Somalia is still a chaotic country. Meles and associates are
governing Ethiopia.
Paradigm
Two:
Ethiopia
is not a landlocked country. Its coastal territories and other
territories are fully restored under the sovereignty of Ethiopia.
Ethiopia offers the United States port and inland military
facility. Ethiopia is ruled by a provisional military central
command that took power after defeating the TPLF in battle. Meles
and associates are on trail for treason. Saudi Arabia has overthrown
the Saud family and fundamental Muslims are controlling the
government of Saudi Arabia. Members of the Muslim Brotherhood, a
fanatical fundamentalist radical group, rule Egypt. Somalia is still
a chaotic country. Iraq has formed a new Government after Saddam
Hussein�s sudden death from a heart attack.
Paradigm
Three:
Ethiopia
is still ruled by Meles and associates. Afwerki is no longer in
office, and Eritrea has a Muslim leader. Eritrea joins the Arab
League. Ethiopia is a landlocked country. Islamic fundamentalists
rule Egypt. Saudi Arabia is fully controlled by Muslim radicals who
overthrew the Saud ruling family. The United States has no permanent
presence in any of the Red Sea coastal countries. The Red Sea is
renamed as the Arab Sea. Because Ethiopia was suffering under
economic and political strangle, Ethiopia announced that it was
going to dam the Blue Nile and its main tributaries unless Sudan and
Egypt pay annual fee for the water and silt of the Blue Nile. Egypt
and Sudan claiming self-defense attacked Ethiopia, and are in
control of Gojam and Gondar thereby controlling the Blue Nile and
Lake Tana. Ethiopia is disintegrating, and two nationalities are
claiming independence in Harrar and in Central and Southern
Ethiopia. Eritrea and Yemen offered to provide the United States
port and inland Military facility. The UN Security Council could not
reach a decision on the occupation of Ethiopian territory because of
Veto votes from the Permanent Members.
Paradigm
Four:
Ethiopia
is a landlocked country. Meles Zenawi is pushed out of office.
Several political groups are participating in a national
reconciliation conference. Issaias Afwerki is still ruling Eritrea.
Ethiopia formally notified the UN that it is not abiding by the
Boundary Commission Arbitration decision.
Ethiopia offers the United States and NATO countries
extensive military facilities inland as well as in the coastal
territories of the disputed Afar.
Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Syria and other Arab and Islamic
nations are supporting Eritrea with military aid.
Paradigm
Five:
Ethiopia
has overthrown the EPRDF-controlled government of Meles Zenawi.
Meles and most of his associates are imprisoned, fsfacing treason
charges. Eritrea has a new democratically elected government. Hawks
who supported Issaias Afwerki are no longer controlling the Eritrean
people. Recently the two governments have signed agreements to
normalize relationship. Ethiopia is in full territorial control of
all Afar coastal territories. Eritrea is no longer associating with
Arab nations. Both nations are close allies of the United States.
They are both thinking to form a commonwealth. Citizens of both
nations are freely involved in investment, education, business, and
cultural exchanges in a bilateral cross-border national development
program. Within few years of such revolutionary change, there is an
amazing economic development in both countries exceeding 10% annual
growth rate, an unheard of event in the world.
Of
course, these fictitious events that I am presenting as paradigms
are mundane caricatures of what might truly develop in that part of
the world. I have set
these paradigms to give you some possible combination of events that
could easily turn the handle of history in any direction. There is
much that we do not control. But the worst thing we could do is to
just wait. We have to anticipate, and proactively create events and
situations favorable to our national interest.
We do not have to wait for someone to do something for us. We
are resourceful people, thus we must find solutions to our problems
by ourselves. We have already taken the first step on our own,
towards the formation of an effective resistance movement.
III.
International Law - Accountability
The
damage that Meles Zenawi and associates have wrought on Ethiopia is
beyond measurement. Their continued staying in power is absolutely
unacceptable to any decent Ethiopian. As I have stated in other
forums, our first step must be directed toward the removal of Meles
and associate from power. There is only one way of achieving such
goals; it is the use of force. We must not be kept back by our
fellow strugglers from our goals just because they do not believe in
violence. In the case of Ethiopia violence is redemption and not
something sacrilegious. Meles and associates seem to see the world
with one single purpose of staying in power and using military
violence to achieve such goals. Meles and associates are extremely
violent individuals especially when they have willing executioners
to do their dirty work. Abraham Maslow stated that for a person
whose only tool is a hammer, every problem looks like a nail.
I
do not consider Meles as a trusted leader of our country. I see in
his activities with the outside world the legitimization of his
deceit and betrayal, a very problematic situation, indeed. Meles as
a government agent is entering into long lasting international
agreements on behalf of Ethiopia.
Agreements such as the Algiers agreement, and all kinds of
exchange of notes with the Eritrean government and the United
Nations are already affecting our territorial integrity and national
sovereignty. This is where I insist that we have to take steps that
clearly demonstrate to the world that the people of Ethiopia are
against the present Ethiopian government.
Under
two fundamental principles of international law, the principle of
Jus Cogens and obligation Erga Omnes, we may as yet be able to
recover our rights that is being squandered by Meles Zenawi. And
most importantly the link between the principles of
�Jus Cogens� and �obligation Erga Omnes� is dependant
on the correlation the International Court and jurists acknowledged
to exist between �peremptory norm of international law� and the
obligations that are incumbent on States. We have a very strong case
justifying our future armed struggle against any state or
organization that may have benefited from the treasonable acts of
Meles and associates in connection with Ethiopia�s Afar Coastal
territory and other disputed areas.
Some
of our protected rights impose also on member states of the United
Nations an obligation Erga Omnes, an obligation that they must carry
out as members of a community of nations. These peremptory
fundamental norms of international law are our protection against
treasonable acts of our leaders. It involves international norms
(morality) and public policy. Thus, the signing of treaties,
agreements, or understandings by Meles Zenawi that violates such
national interests (territorial integrity, human rights, et cetera)
may not oblige us not to fight for our inherent and historic rights.
I
have read few articles by very few Ethiopians, which asserts that
the damage to our territorial integrity has already occurred when
the government of Meles Zenawi accepted the independence of Eritrea.
Let me emphasize the fact that under international practice, the
recognition of a state does not by itself determine all outstanding
disputes between the recognized state and the recognizing state. The
reason recognition of a state is significant in connection with the
issue of independence is due to the fact that the very act of
recognition in itself does contribute in constituting or creating a
state, and such a state becomes an entity because of a recognition
rather than because it has fulfilled many of the characteristics of
a state. In a way, this
act of recognition may preempt the development of the underlying
characteristics of states; and thus, the necessarily long formative
processes toward a fully evolved state maybe substituted by some
form of shortcuts resulting in a semi-formed state that may affect
future relations of nations. States as subjects of international law
are expected to act, or conduct their state affaires and carry out
their responsibilities in the manner prescribed by international law
and practices. �To recognize a political community as a State is
to declare that it fulfils the conditions of statehood as required
by international law.� The political system, the origin of the
state, the religion or religions in practice seem to be irrelevant
in the test of statehood.
And
even more fatalistic comments are offered by a couple of Ethiopian
scholars who insist that any effort to �recover� Afar coastal
territories is foolhardy and impossibility. If you start conceding
territories to bullies there is no end to such demands, and sooner
than later you will end up flying the Ethiopian Flag on a couple of
mountain tops for there will be not be an Ethiopia. I need not
remind you the fact that there is no Ethiopian territory that other
nations are not lusting after. If we let our Afar Ethiopian
territory to be taken from us without a fight, we will be a lot more
vulnerable to future blackmail and endless demand for money,
territories, et cetera. Most important of all, our problems of being
landlocked is the fact that we will not be able to upgrade our
military hardware and weapon systems. Without a well-trained and
well-equipped military, our survival as an independent and proud
people is impossible to sustain. Without our own Coastal territories
and access to the Red Sea, it is impossible to build and sustain a
modern military. We might as well auction of Ethiopia to the highest
bidder and scatter into the four winds. And nothing less would
please our enemies than to see us completely disappear from the face
of this earth.
As
is the case with all Ethiopians who dearly love our Ethiopia and our
tremendously uplifting history, this period has been extremely
traumatic time for me too. All I say to you is that we all must
fight for Ethiopia, and we must fight to remove Meles and associates
from office. We do not have much choice. We will prevail. Thank you.
Long live the free People of Ethiopia.
Dr.
Tecola W. Hagos
Seattle,
Washington
February
15, 2002
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