Ethiopia

[email protected]
HOME NEWS PRESS CULTURE EDITORIAL ARCHIVES CONTACT US
HOME
NEWS
PRESS
CULTURE
RELIGION
ARCHIVES
MISSION
CONTACT US

LINKS
TISJD Solidarity
EthioIndex
Ethiopian News
Dagmawi
Justice in Ethiopia
Tigrai Net
MBendi
AfricaNet.com
Index on Africa
Africa Online
USAfrica Online
World Africa Net

 

INT'L NEWS SITES
Africa Confidential
African Intelligence
BBC
BBC Africa
CNN
Reuters
Guardian
The Economist
The Independent
The Times
IRIN
Addis Tribune
All Africa
Walta
Focus on Africa
UNHCR

 

OPPOSITION RADIO
Radio Solidarity
German Radio
Voice of America
Nesanet
Radio UNMEE
ETV
Christian Amaric
Negat
Finote Radio
Oromiyaa
Sagalee
Medhin
Voice of Ethiopia
Voice of Oromiyaa

 


 

The Paradigm of Self-Preservation: Ethiopia Coming up for Air.

By Dr. Tecola W. Hagos

[Speech delivered at the conference on the Ethiopia/Eritrea Boundary Commission and on the Sovereignty and the territorial integrity of Ethiopia, organized by the Ethiopian Solidarity in Seattle on 16 February 2002.]


  My fellow Ethiopians, I am very happy to be here in Seattle with you at this trying time in our history. I specially want to thank members of the Ethiopian Solidarity in Seattle who organized this historic conference.  This is both a time of great tragedy, risk, and a time of solidarity. It is also a defining moment for all of us. We are standing shoulder to shoulder at the very juncture where our past is facing up to our destiny. Fear not, my sisters and brothers; remember this is the same route our ancestors traversed again and again fighting and winning against Egyptians, Turks, Italians, British soldiers and mercenaries of every description. We are not strangers to dangerous neighbors and biting dogs. Our present enemies have set vicious traps camouflaged in legalese and political niceties. You may feel overwhelmed with the enormity of the obstacle we must overcome. We have no choice in that�we must win, we have to; after all, we are Ethiopians. Today I feel very grateful for the chance you have given me to address you. I am particularly honored to share this forum with Professor Haile Mariam Larebo, a distinguished scholar who has been enlightening us about our history and the monumental injustice that the world is designing on us.

History is the backbone of politics. Do not listen to individuals who try to undermine the role of history in human social development, usually such individuals do not have a history of their own and suffer from enormous inferiority complex. We do not have such complex. We know who we are. And we need not prove anything for any body about our history, what is important is that we know our history.

I. Ethiopia and its place in History

 A Sumer legend narrates: � �What became of the People of Sumer?� the traveler asked the old man, �For ancient records show that the people of Sumer were Black, What happened to them?� �Ah,� the old man sighed, �they lost their history, so they died.� � This quotation, though too dramatic, tells us about the importance of history. Especially in a legal regime (international law) that draws its norms and principles to a significant extent from the conduct of states, the significance of history is quite obvious. Thus, I emphasize the proper use of history in our discussion of international law and practices in connection with Ethiopia and Eritrea. Especially, I want to impress on all people that Ethiopian history is not something to sneer at. It is up there among the ranks of a handful of the greatest civilizations in all of human history.

I see often people from Africa, the Americas, and Asia building great edifices of history out of their colonial past. Whereas, Ethiopian history is the genuine item, a great heritage to all the people of the region. This fabulous history, probably one of the greatest civilizations of the world, is discounted or marginalized by the present erratic leaders of both Ethiopia and Eritrea as if Ethiopian history is some form of myth or fiction created by some western historians or reporters in the last few decades. In truth, there are only a couple of nations in the world with a history of such great antiquity and great human beginning as Ethiopia. All one has to do is reach for the great classics like Ethiopis, Gibbon, Heisod, Herodotus, Homer, Strabo, et cetera and read and marvel how the ancients valued and respected Ethiopians. There are contentions that the reference to Ethiopia or Ethiopians by ancient sources is a general reference to all dark skinned people. That is not true, the ancient authors knew exactly whom they were writing about even if they had some difficulties describing the specific geographic areas.

The preeminence of Ethiopians was so great in the ancient world that a whole Continent was identified sometimes as Ethiopia, in the manner, for example, �America� could mean either the Continent of North America or the United States. The great ancient geographer, Strabo makes a distinction between Ethiopians, Nubians, and other black folks.  Ancient map-makers would designate, usually in larger alphabets, an entire region or ocean as �Aethiopia� and would further inscribe localities with local names of geographic areas or names of tribes, such as �Habash�, �Axume�, �Beja�, �Amara�, �Galla�, �Nubia� et cetera. If there is confusion and mislabeling it is a matter of lack of precise knowledge and skill at making maps rather than out-and-out falsehood. Thus, one must not assume an absolute conclusion based on such designations of ancient mapmakers. Both descriptions by travelers and historians of a certain people, place, government structure et cetera, and the effort of ancient mapmakers should be considered as approximations and need be subjected to comparative constructions with absolutely known factors as guides. 

 Most historians involved in writing Ethiopian history tend to start Ethiopian history with the establishment of the Axumite Empire, but that amounted to setting arbitrary limit. There was a history of the Ethiopian people long before the Axumite period, maybe even predating all pre-historic centers considered to be at the dawn of civilizations) around the world. The area that now comprises Ethiopia and Eritrea was part of the Axumite Empire from about 100 BC, the core nation around which the modern day Ethiopia was built. There are claims that a parallel city-state centered at Yeha flourished during the time Axum was in domination, in trying to prove two distinct national origins for Ethiopia and Eritrea respectively. However, that form of conclusion is not warranted since Yeha and other settlements in the area pre-dated Axum. Eritrea is only a Twentieth Century construction born out of land ceded by treaty from the great Empire of Ethiopia to Italy in 1889.

There are numerous historical documents and references in regard to the extent of the power and dominion of the Axumite Empire. Even more important is the demographic and linguistic map of the region. In terms of language, there is no difference except some slight dialect (variation) between the Tigre and Tygregna speakers. The religion, dress, food, music, in short the culture of the people in Tygrai (in the present day Ethiopia), Hamassen, Akale-Guzai, and Serie (in present-day Eritrea) are almost identical. No other culture or language in the area is as closely related as the language and culture of these groups of people that one can rightly designate all as a variation of a single culture. And further south the Amhara population of Gondar and Semien, Gojjam, Shoa, and Wollo share most of the culture and religion of the Northern people. Moreover, almost all spoken languages in Ethiopia belong to the main Afro-Asiatic language group.

For example, a far more interesting claim about the demography of the Axumite Empire and that of �Eritrea� is offered by a recent work by Abba Isaak Ghebreyesus. What Abba Isaak is claiming is that Eritrea is peopled by one of the three �Cam� Kushit tribes, and the Arab migration into the area is insignificant. The other two Kushit tribes are settled in Agew Meder (Ethiopia) and Somaliland. [Abba Isaak Gehebreyesus, Mereni�s People, Origins of Geshinashim� trans. Daniel Tesfay.] The problem with that thesis is how to account for the huge Semitic language population groups starting from Eritrea in the North and all the way to the Gurages in the South, in the heartland of the Second �Cam� Kushit group.The inscriptions left by Aezanas, who reigned from AD 325-360, recounting the exploits of one of  his expeditions under his two brothers against the rebellious Beja, "strikes a strong note of humanity and self‑righteousness as the King recounts in detail how these prisoners were treated." In fact, at one point, historians did designate this African civilization as one of the three major powers of the World along with the Romans, and the Persian empires. 

The name Eritrea was derived from the Greek word �Eyretria� meaning �red� a reference by the Greeks to the reddish tint of the Red Sea, and later designated by extension to the coastal territories of the Ethiopian Empire by historical writers and travelers. There never was a unitary territory called �Eritrea� or by any other name that remotely corresponded to the geographic area of Eritrea of our time. The Eritrea of our time is a purely colonial construct of the Italians (of 1890) from the time the Italian government succeeded in purchasing in a simple commercial transaction a piece of land from an Italian citizen who had purchased the property earlier from a local chief of the coastal Afar territories. This beachhead was the launching forum for all the problems that we suffered over a century.

The Axumite Empire was a sea-faring power with merchant fleets sailing from its ports of Adulis and Zeila up and down the Red Sea and the coastal waters of the Indian Ocean. The Axumite Empire itself is a later development in the area. Settled life started further down south about 200 miles in the Agew highlands six to seven thousand years ago, which predates the Pharonic civilization for thousands of years. Nevertheless, the people of the Pharonic civilization claimed that their origin was from that part of Ethiopia.

As part of the Axumite Empire, every sub-group (such as Eritrea) comprised of different people with their own distinct cultural and political identities. The people who are to be found in the present Eritrea were mainly the same people who inhabited the area during Axumite dominion, they were in the main the Kunamas, Ben Amirs, Bejas, Afars, and the Axumite highlanders. The Axumites were mixed people who settled the area from earlier migrations from the South seems to have extended across the Arabian Peninsula to ancient Sumer, and in a latter reverse migration from across the Arabian Peninsula and even from as far as India. As often pointed out by historians and travelers Ethiopia consists of a mosaic of colorful people each as beautiful and intriguing as the next.

Christianity that was introduced into Ethiopia (Eritrea) during Aezana reign was one extremely significant factor that was the glue that helped maintain a national identity for Ethiopians with fully developed social, political, and economic structure. In spite of the incessant battles and wars of expansion and often defense that almost every Ethiopian emperor or king conducted against the British, Ottoman Turks, Egyptians, Italians (of late), Ethiopia is the only nation in Africa, maybe even in the World, that maintained an uninterrupted existence as a free, independent, sovereign nation for all of recorded history well over at least five thousand years, except for a brief period of five years (1931-1935) where its government center was occupied by Italian forces. Even then during that brief occupation more than 80% percent of the land and the people were still under the control of Ethiopian resistance structures.

We also had our reverses and misfortunes. We have suffered not only natural disasters but also man- made destructions over and over throughout our existence. Under the influence of the Mehale Sefaries, Ethiopian politics entered a chaotic, unpredictable state leading to social breakup, and the rise of bureaucratic corruption and societal moral decay.  This monumental transfer of the power base, and as a result the very heroic and chivalrous traditional base of the society that was manifestly in its aristocratic refinement was gone. We inherited instead mediocrity, poverty, small-time tyranny et cetera, since the end of the 13th Century down to our own time.

I  recited here a very brief history of Ethiopia and its people for a purpose�to get you focused on our famous identity. Historians have wondered why and how Ethiopia with its isolationist governments, relatively underdeveloped economy, constant infighting between its princes and warlords et cetera stubbornly persisted to survive as a free nation century after century despite great adversities. For non-Ethiopians it might be extremely hard to understand the depth and complexity of organized  social life in Ethiopia. The secret for such longevity is deeply buried within the Orthodox Christian value system of the people of Ethiopia, which predated the Islamic influence and massive forced conversion during Gran Mohammed�s twelve years of destruction.     

II. The Paradigm of Self-Preservation

We have now a world with a single Super Power. The matrix of earlier relationships of all the nations of the world has completely changed with a single Super Power pulling most of the strings of power and influence. A word of caution is appropriate here. It is very easy to cast the relationship between the United States and the rest of the world as hierarchical and of utter domination. The reality on the ground is far more complex than that. It is a fact that the United States is exceedingly becoming a true miniature reflection of the world at large, a kind of a world within a world. The people living in the United States represent a rich diversity of ethnicity, culture, and socio-economic background. As a matter of necessity the officials of the United States government must be sensitive to events taking place in other parts of the world, often places of origins of such officials.

Thus, it is simply a matter of logic to conclude that the United States, as a unit, is far less partial or divisive than earlier powers of the world that tended to be homogenous in their demography. The population profile of the United States shows great diversity, with people hailing from every corner of the world. This leads me to conclude that when the United States makes a decision its decision as of necessity takes into account the needs of its entire people, which translate in existential terms as a decision far more inclusive than sectarian, and more universalistic than relativistic. This state of affairs is encouraging to us since we are also part of that rich tapestries of humanity represented in the demography of the United States. As a people we share more fundamental values with the people of the United States more than anybody else. We are a highly moral people, who had practiced religious tolerance long before the reformation movement, unheard of in the rest of the world until very recently. We are rugged individualists, but compassionate. Our sense of justice will not allow us to inflict pain or punishment on anyone by collectively blaming groups for the mistake of one or few. We are spiritual people with tremendous faith in God�s compassion and mercy. These and similar other shared values are our best features that may endeafsr us with all fair-minded people around us. 

By looking at our problems as sets of paradigms rather than as a single Hegelian developmental process, we may be able to make several objective choices. This may free us from being in a formalistic straitjacket, and at the same time we may be able to shake off the encumbrance of both dialectical reasoning and rationalism of the enlightenment period. Since a paradigm has nothing to do with increasing our absolute knowledge, we may be able to consider a wide range of possibilities without the added difficulties of achieving or seeking perfection in an inherently flawed human endeavor.

Paradigm One:

Issaias Afwerki offers the United States government port and inland extensive military facility. The Ethiopian Afar region is deemed to be part of Eritrea. Ethiopia is a landlocked country. Saudi Arabia has overthrown the Saud family and fundamental Muslims are controlling the government of Saudi Arabia. Members of the Muslim Brotherhood, a fanatical fundamentalist radical group, rule Egypt. Somalia is still a chaotic country. Meles and associates are governing Ethiopia.

Paradigm Two:

Ethiopia is not a landlocked country. Its coastal territories and other territories are fully restored under the sovereignty of Ethiopia.  Ethiopia offers the United States port and inland military facility. Ethiopia is ruled by a provisional military central command that took power after defeating the TPLF in battle. Meles and associates are on trail for treason. Saudi Arabia has overthrown the Saud family and fundamental Muslims are controlling the government of Saudi Arabia. Members of the Muslim Brotherhood, a fanatical fundamentalist radical group, rule Egypt. Somalia is still a chaotic country. Iraq has formed a new Government after Saddam Hussein�s sudden death from a heart attack.  

Paradigm Three:

Ethiopia is still ruled by Meles and associates. Afwerki is no longer in office, and Eritrea has a Muslim leader. Eritrea joins the Arab League. Ethiopia is a landlocked country. Islamic fundamentalists rule Egypt. Saudi Arabia is fully controlled by Muslim radicals who overthrew the Saud ruling family. The United States has no permanent presence in any of the Red Sea coastal countries. The Red Sea is renamed as the Arab Sea. Because Ethiopia was suffering under economic and political strangle, Ethiopia announced that it was going to dam the Blue Nile and its main tributaries unless Sudan and Egypt pay annual fee for the water and silt of the Blue Nile. Egypt and Sudan claiming self-defense attacked Ethiopia, and are in control of Gojam and Gondar thereby controlling the Blue Nile and Lake Tana. Ethiopia is disintegrating, and two nationalities are claiming independence in Harrar and in Central and Southern Ethiopia. Eritrea and Yemen offered to provide the United States port and inland Military facility. The UN Security Council could not reach a decision on the occupation of Ethiopian territory because of Veto votes from the Permanent Members. 

Paradigm Four:

Ethiopia is a landlocked country. Meles Zenawi is pushed out of office. Several political groups are participating in a national reconciliation conference. Issaias Afwerki is still ruling Eritrea. Ethiopia formally notified the UN that it is not abiding by the Boundary Commission Arbitration decision.  Ethiopia offers the United States and NATO countries extensive military facilities inland as well as in the coastal territories of the disputed Afar.  Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Syria and other Arab and Islamic nations are supporting Eritrea with military aid.

Paradigm Five:

Ethiopia has overthrown the EPRDF-controlled government of Meles Zenawi. Meles and most of his associates are imprisoned, fsfacing treason charges. Eritrea has a new democratically elected government. Hawks who supported Issaias Afwerki are no longer controlling the Eritrean people. Recently the two governments have signed agreements to normalize relationship. Ethiopia is in full territorial control of all Afar coastal territories. Eritrea is no longer associating with Arab nations. Both nations are close allies of the United States. They are both thinking to form a commonwealth. Citizens of both nations are freely involved in investment, education, business, and cultural exchanges in a bilateral cross-border national development program. Within few years of such revolutionary change, there is an amazing economic development in both countries exceeding 10% annual growth rate, an unheard of event in the world.  

 Of course, these fictitious events that I am presenting as paradigms are mundane caricatures of what might truly develop in that part of the world.  I have set these paradigms to give you some possible combination of events that could easily turn the handle of history in any direction. There is much that we do not control. But the worst thing we could do is to just wait. We have to anticipate, and proactively create events and situations favorable to our national interest.  We do not have to wait for someone to do something for us. We are resourceful people, thus we must find solutions to our problems by ourselves. We have already taken the first step on our own, towards the formation of an effective resistance movement.

III. International Law - Accountability

The damage that Meles Zenawi and associates have wrought on Ethiopia is beyond measurement. Their continued staying in power is absolutely unacceptable to any decent Ethiopian. As I have stated in other forums, our first step must be directed toward the removal of Meles and associate from power. There is only one way of achieving such goals; it is the use of force. We must not be kept back by our fellow strugglers from our goals just because they do not believe in violence. In the case of Ethiopia violence is redemption and not something sacrilegious. Meles and associates seem to see the world with one single purpose of staying in power and using military violence to achieve such goals. Meles and associates are extremely violent individuals especially when they have willing executioners to do their dirty work. Abraham Maslow stated that for a person whose only tool is a hammer, every problem looks like a nail.

I do not consider Meles as a trusted leader of our country. I see in his activities with the outside world the legitimization of his deceit and betrayal, a very problematic situation, indeed. Meles as a government agent is entering into long lasting international agreements on behalf of Ethiopia.  Agreements such as the Algiers agreement, and all kinds of exchange of notes with the Eritrean government and the United Nations are already affecting our territorial integrity and national sovereignty. This is where I insist that we have to take steps that clearly demonstrate to the world that the people of Ethiopia are against the present Ethiopian government.

Under two fundamental principles of international law, the principle of Jus Cogens and obligation Erga Omnes, we may as yet be able to recover our rights that is being squandered by Meles Zenawi. And most importantly the link between the principles of  �Jus Cogens� and �obligation Erga Omnes� is dependant on the correlation the International Court and jurists acknowledged to exist between �peremptory norm of international law� and the obligations that are incumbent on States. We have a very strong case justifying our future armed struggle against any state or organization that may have benefited from the treasonable acts of Meles and associates in connection with Ethiopia�s Afar Coastal territory and other disputed areas.

Some of our protected rights impose also on member states of the United Nations an obligation Erga Omnes, an obligation that they must carry out as members of a community of nations. These peremptory fundamental norms of international law are our protection against treasonable acts of our leaders. It involves international norms (morality) and public policy. Thus, the signing of treaties, agreements, or understandings by Meles Zenawi that violates such national interests (territorial integrity, human rights, et cetera) may not oblige us not to fight for our inherent and historic rights.

I have read few articles by very few Ethiopians, which asserts that the damage to our territorial integrity has already occurred when the government of Meles Zenawi accepted the independence of Eritrea. Let me emphasize the fact that under international practice, the recognition of a state does not by itself determine all outstanding disputes between the recognized state and the recognizing state. The reason recognition of a state is significant in connection with the issue of independence is due to the fact that the very act of recognition in itself does contribute in constituting or creating a state, and such a state becomes an entity because of a recognition rather than because it has fulfilled many of the characteristics of a state.  In a way, this act of recognition may preempt the development of the underlying characteristics of states; and thus, the necessarily long formative processes toward a fully evolved state maybe substituted by some form of shortcuts resulting in a semi-formed state that may affect future relations of nations. States as subjects of international law are expected to act, or conduct their state affaires and carry out their responsibilities in the manner prescribed by international law and practices. �To recognize a political community as a State is to declare that it fulfils the conditions of statehood as required by international law.� The political system, the origin of the state, the religion or religions in practice seem to be irrelevant in the test of statehood. 

And even more fatalistic comments are offered by a couple of Ethiopian scholars who insist that any effort to �recover� Afar coastal territories is foolhardy and impossibility. If you start conceding territories to bullies there is no end to such demands, and sooner than later you will end up flying the Ethiopian Flag on a couple of mountain tops for there will be not be an Ethiopia. I need not remind you the fact that there is no Ethiopian territory that other nations are not lusting after. If we let our Afar Ethiopian territory to be taken from us without a fight, we will be a lot more vulnerable to future blackmail and endless demand for money, territories, et cetera. Most important of all, our problems of being landlocked is the fact that we will not be able to upgrade our military hardware and weapon systems. Without a well-trained and well-equipped military, our survival as an independent and proud people is impossible to sustain. Without our own Coastal territories and access to the Red Sea, it is impossible to build and sustain a modern military. We might as well auction of Ethiopia to the highest bidder and scatter into the four winds. And nothing less would please our enemies than to see us completely disappear from the face of this earth.

As is the case with all Ethiopians who dearly love our Ethiopia and our tremendously uplifting history, this period has been extremely traumatic time for me too. All I say to you is that we all must fight for Ethiopia, and we must fight to remove Meles and associates from office. We do not have much choice. We will prevail. Thank you. Long live the free People of Ethiopia.

Dr. Tecola W. Hagos

Seattle, Washington

February 15, 2002