EDITORIAL:
The Beginning of the End: EPRDF�s Government Brutality Against
University Students.
Tecola W. Hagos: June 6, 2005
We
are witnessing the beginning of the fall of the violent and
dictatorial Government of Meles Zenawi. History is repeating itself,
and we are looking at the beaten paths that all dictatorial regimes
traveled of crackdowns on demonstrators, detention of university
students for expressing democratic views, unleashing of brutal
security and military unites on peaceful citizens et cetera. How
soon we forget the fate of Haile Selassie and later Mengistu who had
used similar violent means, with different intensity, to subdue and
quash the will and spirit of the people of Ethiopia epitomized in
their sons and daughters attending schools who were rightfully
revolting against relentless oppression. The situation now is even
more paradoxical since the leadership of the Government of the EPRDF
including Meles Zenawi its Prime Minister started their political
lives as students who were thunder and brimstone spouting
revolutionaries.
On Monday June 6, 2005, the Government
of Meles Zenawi unleashed its ruthless force on peaceful demonstrators
of University students. �Between 400 and 500 students were locked in
at the medical school and between 300 and 400 at the social sciences
school, according to an AFP correspondent on the scene.� The
students were legitimately exercising their constitutionally
guaranteed rights under Article 30: The Right of Assembly,
Demonstration and Petition of the 1995 Constitution of the Federal
Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. The Government claims, justifying its
violent suppression and arrest of demonstrators, that it was enforcing
its Emergency Decree of May 16, 2005 (a day after the closing of the
2005 Election) and banning all forms of constitutionally guaranteed
expressions of protest for thirty days. To begin with, the Emergency
Decree is illegal because it does not satisfy the 1995 constitutional
standard, and second of all it is a further raw disregard of law that
will corrupt further the election results such that to cover
governmental fraud, vote ballot rigging et cetera and to quell the
challenge in several districts for recounting and possible re-voting
in Tygrei and several other districts. Moreover, no one is required to
obey an illegal governmental action or decree. Just because Meles
Zenawi says his statement is the �law of the land,� it does not
make it so.
In the 1995
Constitution Chapter Eleven, the Special Provisions in Article 93
elaborate and set detailed standards and process for the federal or
local governments to declare state of emergency. Only two governmental
bodies can decree emergency declaration under the 1995 Constitution:
the Council Ministers of the Federal Government on a national level
for emergency as pointed out below, and by State Executives (i.e.,
local governments) limited to their particular �State� in case of
natural disaster and/or outbreak of epidemics. This power to decree a
state of emergency is not meant to enable or legitimize some whimsical
arbitrary acts of the Prime Minister or that of the state executives,
but an act to be carried out through definite steps after satisfying
very narrowly defined standards because of serious national or local
concerns.
Article 93: Emergency
Proclamation states in Sub-article 1.
�a) The council of
Ministers of the Federal Government shall have the power to decree a
state of emergency when any of the following conditions affect the
country or any part of the country:
-
External invasion;
-
A breakdown of law and order that regular law enforcement
agencies and personnel cannot control;
-
Natural disaster; and
-
Outbreak of epidemics that endangers the lives of the
population.
b) State executives
can decree a state of emergency if their States are affected by
natural disasters or by an outbreak of epidemic that endangers the
lives of their peoples. States shall provide in their constitutions
specific procedures in conformity with this Constitution.�
Article
93 further elaborates how such emergency is to be declared in
sub-articles 2 to 6. The provisions of the Sub-articles deal with
reporting procedure, the establishment of a Board to manage the
emergency et cetera. The focuses for the purpose of this article are
the criteria or standards set in Sub-article 1 (a)
as indicated above for �decreeing� state of emergency by the
Federal Government. Once such �emergency decree� is issued then and only then,
the Council of Ministers would be in a position to run the Ethiopian
government under emergency rule, which is outlined in Sub-article 4. In Chapter Eight, the Power, function, and duties of the
Executive branch of the Ethiopian government is laid out. None of the
provisions in that Chapter gives the Prime Minister the right to
declare or decree a state of emergency on his own. It is quite
understandable that the provisions dealing with emergency need be
wrested from the hands of the Prime Minister or any one individual
because the tendency to use such emergency power by leader to promote
his own political career at the cost of democratic principles is a
real danger witnessed in the last fifty years in several other nations
in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and Europe. It is with this
possibility of abuse in mind against capricious, self-interest,
political agenda et cetera that the constitution provided strict
standard or occurrences of events when a state of emergency may be
decreed.
The University
students were within their constitutional rights to demonstrate, have
their views heard, and solidify their unity with like-minded
individuals and support the democratic process, condemn the
Governments fraud and vote rigging in the 2005 Election et cetera. The
Emergency decree was illegal since there was no 1 - external invasion;
2 - a breakdown of law and order that regular law enforcement agencies
and personnel cannot control; 3 - natural disaster; and 4 - outbreak
of epidemics that endangers the lives of the population. At the time
of the emergency was issued by Meles Zenawi none of the dangers that
an emergency decree supposed to counter was an event of concern in
Ethiopia. The Emergency decree is illegal and has no binding effect on
any Ethiopian. If we were fortunate enough to live in a democratic
society, for that criminal and illegal decree of Emergency and the
subsequent crackdown on peaceful demonstrators alone, Meles Zenawi
would have been impeached and thrown in to jail after proper criminal
legal conviction in a court of law.
We condemn the action
of the Government of Meles Zenawi both for decreeing an illegal
emergency, and the brutal attack on peaceful demonstrators and their
detention on June 6, 2005. We demand that the Emergency decree be
formally withdrawn with an apology to the people of Ethiopia, that
proper investigation and impeachment procedure be started against
Meles Zenawi. We trust and support the right to demonstrate as an
inalienable right irrespective what dictators may decree. We support
the students of Addis Ababa University.
Tecola W. Hagos
June 6,
2005
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